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Politics in a Small World 51


                    postmodernity is capitalism with a new face, then the novelty of the situ-
                    ation warrants more than simply a return to business as usual. Without
                    denying the importance of the economic dimension of postmodernity, it
                    is important not to reduce the cultural and political dimensions to an
                    economistic determinism of capital accumulation and ceaselessly extend-

                    ing commodification (Kumar,  1995 : 1925). Despite his sensitivity to cul-
                    tural forms, from the position Harvey takes within a political economy
                    developed to deal with a very different kind of social life, one in which
                    signs were less obviously effective in identity formation and contestation
                    and in the structuring of social practices. In reducing cultural forms to
                    economic determinism, Harvey cannot engage with the potentially trans-
                    formational dimensions of cultural politics.
                         For Harvey, real politics is essentially class politics. Though on occa-
                    sion he commends social movements for  “ changing the structure of
                    feeling ”  and articulating the rights of the marginalized to speak in their
                    own voices ( “ women, gays, blacks, ecologists, regional autonomists, ”
                    Harvey,  1989 : 48), at the same time, he suggests that such movements
                    tend toward  “ place - bound ”  resistance which only serves the fragmenta-
                    tion upon which flexible accumulation feeds (1989: 3035). As Meaghan

                    Morris  (1992)  notes, he gestures toward acknowledging the equal impor-
                    tance of  “ differences ”  and  “ otherness ”  and the necessity of incorporating
                    them into a more inclusive historical materialism, but he continually re -
                      writes  “ differences ”  as  “ the same, ” ; ultimately, all these groups are simply
                    further victims of capitalist exploitation. For Harvey, it is only class
                    politics that can be genuinely emancipatory (Harvey,  1989 : 355, 1993;
                    Morris,  1992 ).
                         In  Economies of Signs and Space  (1994), Scott Lash and John Urry
                    expound a similar argument to Harvey, using a Marxist framework to
                    explain globalization. Like Harvey, they also see the terms  “ postmoder-
                    nity ”  and  “ postmodernism ”  as usefully summing up new features of
                    contemporary life, while grounding them in the continuity of dynamic
                    capitalism as the driving force of history. However, Lash and Urry do
                    integrate these new features into their account of what they call alter-
                    natively  “ disorganized capitalism ”  and  “ postmodernity ”  to a greater
                    extent than Harvey. In fact, in this respect, their account breaks through
                    the modern Marxist paradigm to which they are anxious to remain
                    committed.
                         Lash and Urry give more emphasis than those who think in terms of

                    post - Fordism and flexible specialization to  consumption  as a leading
                    practice in contemporary capitalism. For them, it is consumption and
                    service industries rather than finance capital and post - Fordist production
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