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Politics in a Small World 81


                    therefore, with support for Islamic terrorism (Fortier,  2008 : 95 – 6). As a
                    result, Anne - Marie Fortier argues, young Muslims, and other racialized
                      “ insider - outsiders ”  too, are required to demonstrate their loyalty and
                    belonging to the nation in ways that are not demanded of the majority
                    of British citizens (Fortier,  2008 ). In France, which has long considered
                    itself, and been considered as, exemplary of a civic nation, Muslim heads-
                    carves have been banned in schools which tolerated pupils wearing other
                      “ religious ”  symbols, such as the cross. There is currently, as I write, an
                    attempt on the part of the French government to ban Muslim women
                    covering their faces anywhere in public. In a speech in June 2009, President
                    Sarkozy declared,  “ That ’ s not our idea of freedom ”  ( “ Degrading ’  Islamic
                    veils not welcome in France, ”  says Sarkozy in historic speech, ”   The
                    Guardian,  23 June 2009). It is clear that some are outside  “ our ”  nation
                    here, even if as citizens they live, work, raise children, pay taxes to the
                    state, and obey French law under which individuals have historically
                    enjoyed the freedom from state intervention to wear religious dress in
                    public places (though not necessarily in state institutions, coded secular)
                    if they please. This is not to say that debating the position of women
                    within particular communities should be forbidden  –  though it is certainly
                    paradoxical that the state here apparently wants to  dictate  autonomy
                    and equality to women (Benhabib,  2004 : 190). Great care is needed,
                    however, to ensure that issues are debated in their complexity, rather than
                    collapsing positions into stereotypes that confi rm majoritarian suspicions
                    of minorities as inherently unworthy to be included in the political
                    community.
                         The  “ Others ”  of national political communities are also external, most
                    commonly other nations. Most modern nations were formed through

                    relations of conflict and competition with other nations and peoples,
                    especially since the nineteenth century, as the form of the nation - state has
                    been generalized across the world (Balakrishnan,  1996 ). More or less
                    virulent forms of nationalism are the result of these, often long - standing,
                    confl icts.  “ Hot ”  nationalism may be somewhat out of date now amongst
                    sophisticated people in the West, especially on the Left, at least when a
                    nation is not actually at war, but as Michael Billig has taught us,  “ banal
                    nationalism ”  is evident in all sorts of signs that mark out the nation as
                    different from, and generally superior to, other nations (Billig,  1995 ).
                    One not - so - banal, example is the mediated mourning of members of the
                    nation in comparison with disregard for the lives of members of other
                    nations. This has been very marked in recent years in the wars in Iraq
                    and Afghanistan, as the media represents public displays of grief by
                    family, friends, and colleagues for Western soldiers killed there, whilst
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