Page 193 - Critical Political Economy of the Media
P. 193

172  Critical investigations in political economy

             media. The first is critical, neo-Marxist, and highlights imbalances in the global
             flow of communications output. The second, cultural globalisation, focuses on
             reception and cultural identity formation and generally regards transnationalisation
             more favourably (in some cases akin to the modernisation paradigm). Yet, both
             tend towards a one-way unilinear model of change. Both ‘strong globalisation’
             arguments tend to focus on processes eroding state-based media from above. An
             alternative perspective argues instead that we need to be more discriminating
             in assessing the nature and influence of transnational media flows. This might be
             called ‘weak globalisation’ but that is misleading since the argument does not
             revolve around the strength or weakness of global forces but rather on the need
             to attend to how these are manifested differentially within and across media
             systems. The objection is not to evidence of ‘strong globalisation’ but rather to
             its generalisation and organisation into normative narratives of change. A better
             term is internationalisation (Hesmondhalgh 2013).
               Media internationalisation is pervasive but uneven. Globalisation is trans-
             forming ‘media fiction and music’ (Curran 2002: 179) while production and
             consumption (as opposed to gathering) of news remains largely organised around
             the nation-state and locality. The audience for global news channels such as
             CNN remains small and, with exceptions such as Al Jazeera, has remained pre-
             dominantly elite. While terrestrial broadcasters’ audience share has certainly
             eroded, this ‘has not to any significant extent been caused by the rise of a global
             news service taking viewers for their national products as part of the growth of a
             global public sphere’ (Sparks 2000a: 84). Cross-border press readership is mostly
             small and elite (Hafez 2007), with the important exception of minority ethnic
             and diasporic press readerships. Local media ownership tends to be relatively
             independent of the global media operators described by Herman and McChesney
             (Sparks 2000a: 86) and the overwhelming majority of news outlets target
             national or sub-national audiences. The main categories of multi-region media
             globalisation are:

               mass market entertainment including audiovisual, audio, computer games,
                music
               news and information serving business elites (CNN, Wall Street Journal, etc.)
               media serving diasporic communities
               media serving specialist transnational communities of interest
               subaltern media flows especially in news (i.e. Al Jazeera) but also in Third
                Cinema and other contra-flows.

             To analyse these complex flows requires attention to all the factors shaping
             market supply and demand, which means political economic and cultural elements.
               The analysis of television provision and cultural proximity is a good example of
             the needtointegrate thetwo.AcrossWestern mediasystems,USpremium fiction
             commands the greatest share of imports, but the maturation of commercial networks
             in Western Europe ‘has dented the appeal of US fiction as audiences demonstrate
   188   189   190   191   192   193   194   195   196   197   198