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Paradigms of media power  53

             albeit predominantly those working in ‘settled’ liberal democratic political
             systems. A strong liberal version denies the influence of pressures from above on
             day-to-day work (see Goldsmiths Media Group 2000). However, mainstream
             liberal communication scholars came closer to acknowledging the salience of
             factors identified by the radical tradition, while falling short of accepting their
             conclusions.
               Liberal pluralist media sociology, influenced by occupational sociological studies
             and the ‘ethnographic turn’, has provided necessary additions, as well as cor-
             rectives, to political economy accounts. Commercial media institutions are
             driven by core economic interests to secure future profitability and expand
             market share. But in addition to market forces, organisations are subject to other
             influences. Studies of journalistic media (Gans 1980; Baker 1994; McNair 1998;
             Bennett 2011) identify these as:

               economic influences (including economic structure, levels of competition and
                ownership concentration, influence of advertising)
               political influences (governments, politicians, pressure groups and powerful
                interests as well as political–legal framework and wider political culture)
               sources’ influences and media interaction with extra-media social actors
               technology
               management control, corporate policies and organisational dynamics
               professional culture and norms
               gender, ethnicity and the sociocultural backgrounds of professionals and
                actors
               consumer preferences and influences.

             Liberal approaches to news are characterised by their emphasis on the individual
             autonomy of media workers. Reliance on dominant sources is explained as
             arising more from the organisational routines and professional values of news
             gatherers than from instrumentalist imposition. Yet source research acknowl-
             edges that the traditional liberal claim of media independence (the ‘fourth
             estate’) must be modified (Goldsmiths Media Group 2000). If there is some
             degree of source dependence (the radical claim), discussion shifts to consider how
             structured it is and how ‘open’ or ‘closed’ is the resulting mediated discursive
             space. Is dependence on elite sources evidence of the subversion of democracy,
             or proof of its functioning? Schudson (2005) presents reliance on official sources
             as a guarantee of media support for the ‘democratic order’. Source dependence
             is also balanced by the imperative for media organisations to maintain their
             independence as a source of legitimation, allied to their market value, for users.
             Media are formally disconnected from other ruling agencies, Schudson argues,
             because they must attend as much to their own legitimation as to furthering the
             legitimation of the capitalist system as a whole.
               What liberal accounts defend is the capability of media professionals operating
             under corporate ownership to continue to serve society. This position shifts
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