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                                                                                  Notes  219
                              marketability of the programme. It is this underlying matrix of
                              commodified values, not authentic musical considerations that
                              ultimately determines the success of the contestants. The sophis-
                              tication and extent of the market differentiation employed is
                              illustrated by the frequent success of ‘innocent’ young boys
                              performing songs deemed to be old-fashioned. In the guise of
                              breaking the mould of viewers’ expectations, they all too predict-
                              ably appeal to older viewers for whom they have been chosen.
                           3 ‘Through this process individuals unconsciously adopted the
                              values of alienated culture, so that they unwittingly subscribed to
                              a degraded version of humanity’ (Rojek 2001: 34).
                           4 Furthermore, any potential role for celebrity figures as an
                              embodiment of anti-traditional social resistance tends to be
                              quickly packaged as a cultural commodity. This process can work
                              both upwards and downwards in so far as it reduces punks to the
                              visual content of London tourist postcards and elevates such
                              previously counter-cultural figures as Mick Jagger to the British
                              Knighthood (June 2002) or Johnny Rotten to the Reality TV
                              programme I’m A Celebrity – Get Me Out of Here! (January 2004).
                           5 Potlatch refers to the practice among the rich in some indig-
                              enous tribes of burning all their possessions in a dramatic
                              cultural reversal of the Western capitalist notion of conspicuous
                              consumption.
                           6 See Rojek (2001: 91, 92), especially such comments as ‘We are
                              drawn to celebrities for a variety of reasons. These can only be
                              concretely established through empirical investigation’ (2001: 92).
                              Such sentiments indicate an a priori resistance to the theoretically
                              based approach of the culture industry thesis.
                           7 In the sixteenth century, Etienne de LaBoetie introduced the
                              notion of voluntary servitude (servitude volontaire). Whereas for
                              Boetie people, by laziness, do not adequately appropriate their
                              freedom, for Spinoza, people even fight for their slavery, as if it
                              were their salvation. In an essay at the end of Pauline Reage’s
                              erotic classic, The Story of O, Jean Paulhan relates how in 1838 a
                              group of newly freed West Indian slaves massacred their former
                              owner and his family for not taking them back into bondage.
                           8 Although, given the rise of product placement, commercial
                              tie-ins, and so on, this less obviously commercialized aspect of
                              movies is perhaps debateable.
                           9 As Lowenthal (1961) suggests in his essay ‘The little shop girls go
                              to the movies’ and Adorno writes in ‘The culture industry:
                              enlightenment as mass deception’ (Adorno and Horkheimer
                              1997).












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