Page 96 - Cultural Studies A Practical Introduction
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80                          Ethnicity



                      yearned to be ghetto and cool.  “  “ Because it ’ s good to be ghetto, but you

                      have to be classy ghetto, you know? I mean, it ’ s okay to talk loud when
                      you ’ re with your friends.  ‘ Yo, dawg, wassup?!!! ’  But some people get stupid
                      and do this in class. ”  Interestingly, however, the acquired role quickly
                      becomes an identity of one ’ s own, something integral to one ’ s sense of self
                      rather than a performed act.  “ The Puerto Ricans view the immigrant kids
                      as corny, rural, you know. But even that doesn ’ t last long. The immigrant
                      kids pick up on the dress style and the mannerisms right away. And they
                      don ’ t  say  ‘ those  are  Black  people ’ s  mannerism, ’   no.  They  say,  ‘ those  are
                        Puerto Rican   mannerisms. ’     ”   Interestingly,  immigrant  Brazilians,  because
                      they are associated with a well - known international urban cultural scene,
                      are thought to already inhabit a  “ ghetto ”  of their own.
                           The Portuguese occupy a privileged position in this multiethnic com-
                      munity because they are White-skinned. Appearing White has been one
                      way for excluded ethnic communities to gain an entry to power and affl u-
                      ence in  America. The US has a history of  nativism , the idea that only
                      native - stock White Protestants are truly American. Broader, more multi-

                      ethnic definitions of what it means to be an American citizen have emerged
                      and been promoted in recent decades, but Whiteness, because it is linked
                      to social power and to wealth, is still associated in the eyes of urban youth
                      with an ideal of social status and consumption to which many of the youth
                      aspire. The poorer can only afford fake Louis Vuitton handbags, but some
                      aspire higher, and to appear  White, they buy real Vuitton bags.  “ Like I
                      know some Portuguese people who try to be all high class and whatever
                      and in the inside they are poor. It ’ s like you just as poor as me,  ’ cause you ’ re
                      right across the corner from me, in the townhouse next door.  …  They pay
                      the real Louis Vuitton and then next thing you know they talk about being
                      poor and how their mother can ’ t pay rent. Go and explain. ”  Differences of
                      income clearly intersect with ethnic differences. One consequence is that
                      multiculturalism, the ideal of an achieved mixture of social groups defi ned
                      by ethnicity rather than by income, obfuscates the fact that economic
                      inequality is a core feature of American life. And it often is linked to ethnic
                      differences. The Black youths who are imitated by their Hispanic counter-
                      parts are also thought of by some teachers in the high schools of Newark
                      as dangerous;  “ ethnic problems ”  in the school are blamed on them. They
                      are linked to gang activity. To posit them as a model of ethnic style for
                      immigrant youth is to acknowledge how they are driven by economic
                      inequality and poverty to adopt practices (gang belonging) and ideals
                      (toughness, criminality) that reinforce their exclusion from a  White -
                       dominated economy.
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