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EXPERIENCE, EMPATHY AND STRATEGIC ESSENTIALISM 95

            mapped out as challenges facing educators whose long-term goal is not merely to
            prepare  students  for  life  in  a  world  still  troubled  by  racism,  poverty  and
            intolerance, but to motivate them towards contributing to its betterment.

            My departure point is predicated on the belief that the academy is indeed a place
            where  a  student’s  consciousness  should  be  politicized,  not  domesticated;
            inspired,  not  indoctrinated.  Students  should  leave  with  the  tools  to  develop
            informed  opinions  and  a  heightened  sense  of  personal  accountability  to  their
            responsibilities as human beings, members of communities and global citizens.
            In  anticipation  of  a  conservative  response,  I  argue  that  this  goal  does  not,  as
            some might claim, evidence political correctness, nor is it a reflection of facile
            relativism.  On  the  contrary:  educators  are  always  projecting  their  own  politics
            even where there is a sincere investment in maximizing objectivity. The enquiry
            here,  therefore,  centres  on  some  of  the  implications  for  intercultural
            programmes, an approach with explicit epistemological and political objectives,
            as it pertains to the American context. Race anchors this study, for I do believe
            that  historian  Michael  Goldfield  accurately  identifies  white  supremacy  as  the
            defining, paradigmatic, idiographic characteristic of the United States (Goldfield,
            1991). In this context, therefore, I suggest that the issue of race (despite its status
            as a scientifically untenable notion) pervades many of the challenging problems
            for the academy with regard to what, how and whom we teach. 2
            It  is  an  understatement  to  note  the  antipathy  people  of  colour  have  expressed
            towards the labels ‘multiculturalism’ and ‘diversity’. In the first place, the prefix
            ‘multi’  in  multiculturalism  alternately  evokes  the  unsavoury  images  of  the
            melting-pot or the equally apolitical mosaic. This portrayal of pluralism renders
            invisible the causes of fragmentation along class, gender, religious and most of
            all, racial, lines. The issue of race and racism—particularly the dominant popular
            discourse which centres on a black/white binary—intrudes and intervenes in any
            discussion  which  links  culture,  diversity  and  identity.  Significantly,  the  term
            ‘multiculturalism’  also  obscures  the  persistent  tenacity  with  which  the
            conception  of  ‘race’  and  ‘culture’  are  confused.  This  occurs  both  within  and
            outside educational institutions where the terms (multiculturalism and diversity)
            were introduced. Within the academy, in particular, the language of culture and
            cultural  pluralism  often  provides  a  refuge  in  which  race  relations  are
            depoliticized, domesticated and managed.
              Can these issues be tackled more productively if we change the labels under
            which  discussions  of  curricular  reform  or  transformation  are  conducted?  As
            Grant Cornwell and Eve Stoddard emphasize, ‘interculturalism’, as an enquiry into
            cultures interacting, is a term deployed to signal cultures as dynamic processes
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            and to highlight the power relations which inform cultural interchange  (1994).
            While the prefix ‘inter’ escapes the polemical weight of ‘multi’, retention of the



                  Cultural Studies 11(1) 1997:89–110© 1997 Routledge 0950–2386
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