Page 196 - Cultural Studies Volume 11
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190 CULTURAL STUDIES

            and different ways because of their juxtaposition with other interviews). At one
            level, of course, these are the sorts of problems with representing the ethnographic
            Other that all researchers collecting data from and about ‘ordinary people’ have to
            face and, as such, they are potentially excusable. The problem here, however, is
            not simply that the book’s editors helped to shape the ways in which these people
            could be heard to speak—after all, other studies of ‘ordinary people’ work around
            such difficulties all the time—but that the MDLP is completely lacking in self-
            reflexivity about their role in speaking for their subjects. Instead of acknowledging
            the impossibility of (re)presenting other people’s thoughts without distortion (and,
            in doing so, perhaps providing some clues as to how we might be able to
            compensate for those distortions as we read), the MDLP assumes that they have
            provided their readers with unmediated (and thus, presumably, uncontaminated)
            access to the thoughts and ideas of the individuals they’ve interviewed.
              Even if one is willing to treat these very ‘cooked’ interviews as if they were
            accurate reflections of the real world, the MDLP simply doesn’t provide enough
            information about these ‘ordinary people’ for readers to come to any conclusions
            of their own that aren’t limited to the highly localized level of the individual people
            interviewed here. A handful of the book’s interviews are preceded by factoid-ish
            blurbs that provide a few demographic and biographical details about the
            interviewees, and the transcripts themselves occasionally contain additional clues
            as to who these people are when they aren’t busy being research subjects for the
            MDLP, but this sort of information appears too infrequently and inconsistently to
            make any broader social or cultural patterns apparent. To be sure, the body of data
            collected here is often anecdotally interesting, and it does support the MDLP’s
            claim regarding the complexity of the musical terrain quite well, but ultimately
            this is the only broader conclusion of any sort that these interviews render possible.
              To be fair, this is undoubtedly part of the book’s point: that there are no
            significant patterns to be found in the sea of data gathered by the MDLP, and that
            the absence of such patterns demonstrates the folly of trying to impose overly-neat
            meta-narratives on a world where they simply don’t apply. For instance, of the
            approximately 150 interviews conducted for My Music, evidently no two of them
            (besides those done with a few Grateful Dead fans) were sufficiently alike to fall
            into readily identifiable patterns. As Keil puts it,

              That is the main point of this collection of interviews. Each person is unique.
              Like your fingerprints, your signature, and your voice, your choices of music
              and the ways you relate to music are plural and interconnected in a pattern
              that is all yours, an ‘idioculture’ or idiosyncratic culture in sound. This may
              seem obvious or will seem so by the time you have read half of these
              interviews, but we believe most people think of the musical tastes of others
              in highly stereotyped ways that  are based on layered prejudices and
              prejudgments We hope this book convinces you that our musical lives are
              much more complicated than that.
                                                                      (p. 2)
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