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Discourse and power: Michel Foucault 129

Table 6.4 Film as an object of study.

Economics = commodity
Literary studies = artistic text similar to literary text
History = historical document
Art history = example of visual culture
Cultural studies = example of popular culture
Film studies = textual object of study
Media studies = particular type of media

constrain, and constitute. Table 6.4 outlines the different ways film may be studied.
Each discipline speaks about film in a particular way and in so doing it enables and
constrains what can be said about film. But they do not just speak about film; by con-
structing film as a specific object of study, they constitute film as a specific reality (‘the
real meaning of film’). The game of netball is also a discourse: to play netball (regard-
less of individual talent), you must be familiar with the rules of the game; these both
enable and constrain your performance. But they also constitute you as a netball
player. In other words, you are only a netball player if you play netball. Being a netball
player is not a ‘given’ (i.e. expression of ‘nature’): it is enabled, constrained and con-
stituted in discourse (i.e. a product of ‘culture’). In these ways, discourses produce sub-
ject positions we are invited to occupy (member of a language community; student of
film; netball player). Discourses, therefore, are social practices in which we engage;
they are like social ‘scripts’ we perform (consciously and unconsciously). What we
think of as ‘experience’ is always experience in or of a particular discourse. Moreover,
what we think of as our ‘selves’ is the internalization of a multiplicity of discourses.
In other words, all the things we are, are enabled, constrained and constituted in
discourses.
Discursive formations consist of the hierarchical criss-crossing of particular dis-
courses. The different ways to study film discussed earlier produces a discursive forma-
tion. In The History of Sexuality, Foucault (1981) charts the development of the
discursive formation of sexuality. In doing this, he rejects what he calls ‘the repressive
hypothesis’ (10); that is, the idea of sexuality as something ‘essential’ that the
Victorians repressed. Instead he follows a different set of questions:

Why has sexuality been so widely discussed and what has been said about it? What
were the effects of power generated by what was said? What are the links between
these discourses, these effects of power, and the pleasures that were invested by
them? What knowledge (savoir) was formed as a result of this linkage? (11)

He tracks the discourse of sexuality through a series of discursive domains: medicine,
demography, psychiatry, pedagogy, social work, criminology, governmental. Rather
than silence, he encounters ‘a political, economic and technical incitement to talk