Page 26 - Cultural Theory and Popular Culture an Introduction

CULT_C01.qxd 10/25/08 16:29 Page 10

10 Chapter 1 What is popular culture?

approach tends to avoid the full implications of this fact. Critical analysis of pop and
rock music is particularly replete with this kind of analysis of popular culture. At a con-
ference I once attended, a contribution from the floor suggested that Levi jeans would
never be able to use a song from The Jam to sell its products. The fact that they had
already used a song by The Clash would not shake this conviction. What underpinned
this conviction was a clear sense of cultural difference – television commercials for Levi
jeans are mass culture, the music of The Jam is popular culture defined as an opposi-
tional culture of ‘the people’. The only way the two could meet would be through The
Jam ‘selling out’. As this was not going to happen, Levi jeans would never use a song
by The Jam to sell its products. But this had already happened to The Clash, a band
with equally sound political credentials. This circular exchange stalled to a stop. The
cultural studies use of the concept of hegemony would have, at the very least, fuelled
further discussion (see Chapter 4).
A fifth definition of popular culture, then, is one that draws on the political ana-
lysis of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, particularly on his development of the
concept of hegemony. Gramsci (2009) uses the term ‘hegemony’ to refer to the way
in which dominant groups in society, through a process of ‘intellectual and moral lead-
ership’ (75), seek to win the consent of subordinate groups in society. This will be dis-
cussed in some detail in Chapter 4. What I want to do here is to offer a general outline
of how cultural theorists have taken Gramsci’s political concept and used it to explain
the nature and politics of popular culture. Those using this approach see popular cul-
ture as a site of struggle between the ‘resistance’ of subordinate groups and the forces
of ‘incorporation’ operating in the interests of dominant groups. Popular culture in this
usage is not the imposed culture of the mass culture theorists, nor is it an emerging
from below, spontaneously oppositional culture of ‘the people’ – it is a terrain of
exchange and negotiation between the two: a terrain, as already stated, marked by resist-
ance and incorporation. The texts and practices of popular culture move within what
Gramsci (1971) calls a ‘compromise equilibrium’ (161). The process is historical
(labelled popular culture one moment, and another kind of culture the next), but it is
also synchronic (moving between resistance and incorporation at any given historical
moment). For instance, the seaside holiday began as an aristocratic event and within
a hundred years it had become an example of popular culture. Film noir started as
despised popular cinema and within thirty years had become art cinema. In general
terms, those looking at popular culture from the perspective of hegemony theory tend
to see it as a terrain of ideological struggle between dominant and subordinate classes,
dominant and subordinate cultures. As Bennett (2009) explains,

The field of popular culture is structured by the attempt of the ruling class to win
hegemony and by forms of opposition to this endeavour. As such, it consists not
simply of an imposed mass culture that is coincident with dominant ideology, nor
simply of spontaneously oppositional cultures, but is rather an area of negotiation
between the two within which – in different particular types of popular culture –
dominant, subordinate and oppositional cultural and ideological values and ele-
ments are ‘mixed’ in different permutations (96).