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290                                              S. Semken and E. Brandt

            Evolution of Place-Based Educational Philosophy
            Toward Sustainability


            Although the term “place-based education” was not used and may not have existed
            before the late 1990s (Elder 1998), the prosocial value of contextualizing learning
            in local physical and cultural environments has long been understood. Indigenous
            knowledge systems and philosophies of education have always been place-based:
            invested  with  culturally  defined  biophilic  and  geophilic  place  attachment,  and
            informed by long-term observation of and reflection on natural processes and systems,
            phenology, animal behavior, and human history. Place-based Indigenous teachings
            serve to empower successive generations to thrive communally and self-sufficiently
            amid the climatic, hydrologic, and ecological patterns and cycles specific to their
            homelands (Kawagley and Barnhardt 1999).
              In contrast, this philosophy appeared only sporadically, and each time briefly,
            throughout  the  early  history  of  EuroAmerican  formal  education.  In  the  first  2
            decades  of  the  nineteenth  century,  progressive  Swiss  educator  Johann  Heinrich
            Pestalozzi experimented with pedagogy we would today recognize as place-based
            (Hutchison 1998):
              Through lessons in map and model-making. … Pestalozzi pioneered the study of place
              in childhood by having his students explore [local] terrain and topography. (Hutchison
              1998, p. 84)
            In the USA, as compulsory public education for children was widely instituted
            in  the  middle-to-late  nineteenth  century,  strongly  influenced  by  a  “Prussian
            model” of uniform, decontextualized curricula and teacher training (Cousin 1834),
            the  educational  philosopher  John  Dewey (1916)  advocated  instead  for  active,
            experiential learning situated in a child’s immediate social and physical surround-
            ings. He named history and geography (both cultural and physical), disciplines
            fundamentally  tied  to  place,  as  the  most  important  studies  in  the  curriculum
            (Dewey  1916).  Dewey  argued  that  the  prevailing  curricula  and  practices  were,
            even then, overspecialized and largely irrelevant to children’s home and community
            life. Yet his perspective was not simply parochial; he viewed learning situated in
            place as “the natural starting point … for moving out into the unknown, not an end
            in itself” (Dewey 1916, p. 212). But institutionalized schooling, with its emphasis
            on  efficiency  and  compliance,  functioned  synergistically  with  the  political  and
            corporate workings of an increasingly industrial and consumerist society (Callahan
            1964), so Dewey’s recommendations went mostly unheeded.
              During the interval between the two World Wars, the idea of a “regional survey,”
            a  grassroots  movement  to  study  and  teach  about  nature  in  local  environments,
            emerged from the earlier writings and subsequent passionate advocacy of Scottish
            biologist and urban planner Patrick Geddes (1904, 1905). The movement flourished
            only briefly in the 1920s and only in Great Britain and the new Soviet Union, in
            part probably because the curriculum was never well-defined and the concept was
            mostly  of  interest  to  academicians  (Meller  1994).  Two  decades  later,  American
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