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NOTES TO PAGES 17–22 273
29 The project was generously supported by the Rowntree Memorial Trust.
30 A.C.H.Smith, T.Blackwell and E.Immirzi, with an Introduction by Stuart Hall:
Paper Voices (Chatto and Windus 1975).
31 Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (Allen and Unwin
1930), a seminal example, had the added advantage of being explicitly
counterposed to Marxist explanations of the same phenomenon.
32 These arguments are extensively explored in Weber’s Methodology of the Social
Sciences (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press 1949).
33 Many of these texts are unavailable in English and have not been well covered in
the secondary sources. But see Raymond Aron’s German Sociology and Anthony
Giddins (ed.), Positivism and Sociology (Heinemann 1974). For a recent discussion,
see Ted Benton, Philosophical Foundations of The Three Sociologies (Routledge
and Kegan Paul 1977); Paul Hirst, Social Evolution and Sociological Categories
(Allen and Unwin 1976); and S.Hall, ‘The Sociology of knowledge’, in On Ideology
(CCCS/Hutchinson 1978).
34 On ‘interpretation’, see M.Truzzi, Verstehen (Addison Wesley 1974). A useful
recent study on Dilthey is H.Rickman, William Dilthey (Paul Elek 1979).
35 The phrase ‘the two sociologies’ was first used by Alan Dawe in a critical review
of the sociological traditions. An important text in the Weber/ Durkheim counter-
position was the reinterpretation of Durkheim’s Suicide, using Weberian
categories, in Douglas’s The Social Meaning of Suicide (Princeton University Press
1967).
36 Schutz’s collected works were reprinted in this period by Martinus Nijhoff, The
Hague. See also Berger’s Invitation to Sociology (Penguin 1963), and P.L.Berger
and T.Luckman, The Social Construction of Reality (Penguin 1971); for the links
between this reworking and the early Marx, see Berger and Pullberg, ‘The concept
of reification’, New Left Review, vol. 35 (1966).
37 The key text here was Garfinkel’s Studies in Ethnomethodology (Englewood
Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice Hall 1967). Garfinkel’s and Schutz’s concern with the social
foundations of ‘everyday knowledge’ was seminal in the application of the term
‘ideology’ to common-sense categories. The extension of ethnomethodology to the
analysis of conversation strategies was important, especially in the work of Sachs.
The preoccupation with how sociologists came to know what they knew took self-
reflexivity to its logical extreme, however, and proved to be a cul-de-sac.
38 For an overview of the ‘Chicago School’, see R.E.L.Faris, Chicago Sociology
(University of Chicago Press 1967).
39 Howard Becker’s Outsiders (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press 1963), was the
breakthrough text here.
40 See Paul Willis, Profane Culture (Routledge and Kegan Paul 1978), and Learning
to Labour (Saxon House 1977). The debate with subcultural theory and its
methodology is evidenced in S.Hall and T.Jefferson (eds.), Resistance through
Rituals (CCCS/Hutchinson 1976). The male-centredness of the tradition is
discussed by Angela McRobbie and Jenny Garber in Resistance through Rituals.
For recent work on the position of women, see Women Take Issue (CCCS/
Hutchinson 1978) and forthcoming Centre work.
41 The status of experiential evidence with respect to structural analysis is lengthily
discussed in Willis, Learning to Labour. See also Willis, ‘Notes on method’, pages
88–95 below.