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CULTURAL STUDIES AND THE CENTRE 29

            section. Popular culture was always a  problematic area: largely  descriptive  in
            definition (often no more than a mere listing of residual customs and forms) and
            inscribed within the inadequate terms of the ‘cultural debate’ (with its ‘popular/
            high’ culture oscillations). The analysis of popular texts has, however, recently
            revived within both the  Media Studies and English  Studies  areas.  And this
            development is complemented by a quite novel concern with ‘the popular’ in a
            radically new sense: national-popular cultural traditions, popular ideologies, the
            popular as the ground of common sense in which more developed and organized
            ‘philosophies’ intervene, the popular as the stake in the struggle for hegemony
            and  consent (populist/popular democratic  elements in political discourses and
            their articulation with different class practices, for example). 101  A combination
            of some of these interests, within the framework of a more developed theory of
            the state and with an attempt at the analysis of a specific historical conjuncture,
            resulted in a collective Centre enterprise, eventually published in Policing the
            Crisis. 102
              This did mark the beginning of a whole new phase of concrete research more
            directly concerned with political formations, state and civil institutions,
            institutional  policies and  practices. It  also marked the beginning  of a new
            concern with questions of historical periodization and the attention to specific
            historical conjunctures in  their own right.  Indeed, there  has  been  a thorough-
            going ‘historicization’ of the Centre’s  previously rather theoreticist practice,
            which seems to us an unqualified gain. This is now beginning to deliver its own
            provisional results, in work to come on state formations in the 1880s-1920s and
            the 1930s; 1945, the Welfare State and the terms of the post-war  settlement;
            literary formations and women’s writing in the 1930s and 1950s; the post-war
            legislation on sexuality, and the restructuring of women’s work; and the labour
            process and the post-war history of race relations. The most general consequence
            is the  pressing of this  whole  range  of work—whether contemporary or
            ‘historical’—towards historical specificity and a sense of the present conjuncture
            (these only  appear to be  antithetical and opposed  emphases  if the term
            ‘historical’ is taken, simple-mindedly, to  refer to the  past, but  we  have
            attempted, rigorously, to break with this disabling, descriptively inert definition).
              We have already  mentioned  the impact of  feminism.  This too  has had its
            consequences for the areas and directions of concrete research. For some time
            work in this area was organized within the Women’s Studies group. But after an
            initial phase this has been abandoned in favour of making questions of gender
            and patriarchal relations central to the concerns of all our research groups and no
            longer  the  responsibility  of women alone to sustain. Thus one can find these
            concerns  now best  developed in (for example)  the analysis of the impact of
            schooling on girls and of paid/unpaid domestic work on women; in the analysis
            of feminine  representations in literary and  media discourses; in the  study of
            feminist  political  representation; in the examination  of  state policies and
            strategies directly addressed to women, strongly marked in their  patriarchal
            forms; in the connections between  school and  family.  More generally, the
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