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72 SUBCULTURAL CONFLICT AND WORKING-CLASS COMMUNITY

            conditions of  existence of the  socially mobile white-collar worker. While the
            argot and ritual forms of mods stressed many of the traditional values of their
            parent culture, their dress and music reflected the hedonistic image of the affluent
            consumer. The  life-style  crystallized  in opposition to that  of the rockers  (the
            famous riots in the early sixties testified to this), and it seems to be a law of
            subcultural evolution that its dynamic comes not only from the relations to its
            own parent culture, but also from the relation to subcultures belonging to other
            class fractions, in this case the manual working class.
              The next members of our string—the parkas or scooter boys—were in some
            senses a transitional form between the mods and the skinheads. The alien elements
            introduced into music and dress by the mods were progressively de-stressed and
            the indigenous components of argot and ritual  reasserted as the matrix of
            subcultural identity. The skinheads themselves carried the process to completion.
            Their lifestyle, in fact, represents a systematic inversion of the mods—whereas
            the mods explored the upwardly mobile  option, the skinheads explored the
            lumpen. Music and dress again became the central focus of the life-style; the
            introduction of reggae  (the protest  music of the West Indian poor)  and the
            ‘uniform’ (of which more in a moment) signified a reaction against the
            contamination of the parent culture by middle-class values and a reassertion of
            the integral values of working-class culture through its most recessive traits—its
            puritanism and chauvinism. This double movement gave rise to a phenomenon
            sometimes called  ‘machismo’—the unconscious  dynamics  of the work ethic
            translated into the out-of-work situation; the most dramatic example of this was
            the epidemic of ‘queer-bashing’ around the country in 1969–70. The skinhead
            uniform itself could be interpreted as a kind of caricature of the model worker—
            the  self-image of the  working class as distorted through middle-class
            perceptions, a metastatement about the whole process of social mobility. Finally,
            the skinhead life-style crystallized in opposition both to the greasers (successors
            to the  rockers) and the hippies—both subcultures representing a  species  of
            hedonism which the skinheads rejected.
              Following the  skinheads there emerged another transitional form, variously
            known as crombies, casuals, suedes and so on (the proliferation of names being a
            mark of  transitional phases). They represent a movement back towards the
            original mod position, although this time it is a question of incorporating certain
            elements  drawn from  a middle-class subculture—the hippies—which the
            skinheads had previously ignored. But even though the crombies have adopted
            some of the external mannerisms of the hippy life-style (dress, soft drug use),
            they still conserve many of the distinctive  features  of earlier  versions of  the
            subculture.
              If the whole process, as we have described it, seems to be circular, forming a
            closed system, then this is because subculture, by definition, cannot break out of
            the contradiction derived from the parent culture; it merely transcribes its terms
            at a microsocial level and inscribes them in an imaginary set of relations.
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