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CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA 211
            balanced and impartial. This trend has been particularly pronounced during the
            last two decades. There has been a very rapid growth of public affairs coverage
            in TV, with a three-fold increase on BBC TV between 1962 and 1974. And while
            public affairs items in the press only obtained a below-average readership (both
            before and after the  introduction  of TV),  TV  news programmes have secured
            above-average  audiences. More people have thus  been exposed to more bi-
            partisan communications.
              The progressive detachment of the mass media from the party system has been
            confounded by the  mutual rivalry between professional politicians and
            professional communicators. Both groups have competing claims to legitimacy:
            they both  claim  to represent  the  public and  serve the public interest.  As
            Gurevitch and Blumler (1977) point out, they are, to some extent, rivals who
            have different  definitions of their roles which produce  mutual tension  and
            conflict. This tension is reflected in media portrayals of party politics which are,
            at times, not so much bi-partisan as anti-partisan. This anti-partisan perspective
            is typified by this excerpt from a Sunday Times editorial:

              Mr. Callaghan condemns the income tax cuts forced on the government by
              the Tories and other opposition parties as looking after the rich and striking
              a blow at the family budget…. The Prime Minister is a politician and is
              therefore, no doubt, entitled under the rules of the game to play politics.
              But a newspaper is equally entitled to remind readers that politics is what
              he is playing. We must not be tempted by rhetoric to take Ministers’ words
              at  face value, and forget what they have said in the past. What  the
              Conservatives have done for the higher tax-payers is precisely what  the
              Government itself would do if it had the political nerve—or if its party
              would let it. (Sunday Times, 14 May 1978)

            This editorial makes unusually explicit some of the assumptions that underpin
            the rhetoric of media anti-partisanship. Prime Ministers ‘play politics’ whereas
            The  Sunday Times is disinterested. Politicians dissemble and lie while The
            Sunday Times fearlessly speaks its mind. Politicians are encumbered by vested
            interests and party ties, whereas The Sunday Times is concerned only with the
            public interest—even  when discussing tax cuts  for affluent  Sunday Times
            journalists and readers.
              Anti-partisanship is present not only in explicit form in political commentary.
            It is also implicit in the interpretative frameworks within which a good deal of
            current affairs coverage  is  set in both  the  press and broadcasting  media. In
            particular, there is a tendency for politics to be defined in pragmatic, technocratic
            terms as a process of management and problem-solving; for political conflict to
            be de-contextualized from the political and economic struggles that underlie it;
            even, in some cases, for genuine conflicts over principle or of class interest to be
            represented  as mere clashes  of personality. Such  representations of politics
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