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234 POLITICAL EFFECTS
            personal discussion, etc.), or in the case of TV, say, different programme-types
            (party broadcasts, news bulletins, current affairs  and discussion programmes,
            etc.), or  perhaps the appearances  of  different types of speakers (Conservative,
            Labour, Liberal, professional journalists, experts, etc.).
              2. Measure the exposure of audience members to the chosen contents, no mean
            task in circumstances where political messages may be surrounded by much non-
            political matter (e.g. entertainment programmes on TV) and exposure may be
            due more to habit than choice, entailing low levels of attention in turn.
              3. Postulate likely dimensions and direction of audience effect to be tested,
            which could  include the following foci, each presenting unique  measurement
            problems: policy information; issue priorities; images of politicians’ qualities as
            leaders; attitudes to the  various  parties’  strengths and weaknesses; voting
            preferences.
              4. Specify whatever conditional factors might facilitate, block or amplify the
            process of effect—such as, say, those  of sex, age, educational background,
            strength of party loyalty, motivation  to follow a campaign, acceptance of a
            medium’s political trustworthiness, etc.
              Yet after taking all this trouble, the research worker is unlikely to contemplate
            a sizeable difference of outlook between groups more and less exposed to the
            relevant media stimulus. It should not be concluded from the modesty of such
            findings that, say,  political campaigning in  the  mass  media is  normally
            ineffectual  or that messages and  images transmitted through  the  media are
            powerless to alter audience perspectives. As we shall see later in this chapter,
            researchers  who in recent years have entered  the political field  to  harvest
            evidence of effects have not returned entirely empty-handed. But their results
            have not in the main been simple or clear-cut, and overall may be summarized as
            showing (1) that the media constitute but one factor in society among a host of
            other influential variables; (2) that the exertion of their influence may depend
            upon  the presence  of other facilitating factors; and (3)  that the  extent and
            direction of media influence may vary across different groups and individuals.
            As Comstock (1976)  has  put it, commenting especially on the impact  of
            television:

              There is no general statement that summarizes the specific literature on
              television and human behaviour, but if forced to make  one, perhaps  it
              should  be that  television’s effects are many, typically minimal  in
              magnitude, but sometimes major in social importance. (Comstock, 1976)

            Ideological differences also divide  certain  proponents and critics of media
            effects  research. Liberal-pluralists are initially more  likely than Marxists  to
            pursue research into the political effects of mass communication for a variety of
            reasons.  They are  more prepared to regard an  election, for example, as a
            meaningful contest  between advocates  of  genuine  alternatives, the rival
            campaigning  efforts  of which merit study. They will tend to define political
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