Page 302 - Culture Society and the Media
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292 CULTURE, SOCIETY AND THE MEDIA
            implemented by administrations  which  included members of the  Spanish
            Communist Party.
              The Communist Party  press, reflecting  the Comintern’s position,
            sought constantly to interpret the Spanish situation in terms of the logic of the
            Popular Front  and, as Orwell noted with incredulity, accordingly  excluded
            virtually all mention of the distinctively  proletarian  edge which the Spanish
            workers and peasants had themselves given to their struggle. It sought also to
            discredit Trotskyist forces in Spain by presenting the leaders of POUM as fascist
            agents-provocateurs bent  on encouraging the Spanish  proletariat to take an
            increasingly revolutionary stance in order to justify a direct German invasion of
            Spain.
              Looking back, much of this seems scarcely credible. Yet it needs to be borne
            in mind  that we  have been made  aware of the  proletarian  dimensions of  the
            struggle in Spain only posthumously. For, at the time, there was a large degree of
            complicity between the ways in which the communist and the western capitalist
            press reported (or did not report) and interpreted events in Spain. Both, for their
            different reasons, were instruments of darkness. A footnote which underwrites
            the point is the difficulty Orwell had in obtaining a publisher for his Homage to
            Catalonia for it was, initially, rejected by both capitalist and left-wing publishing
            houses for politicalideological reasons which should require no further comment.
              It  would  be wrong, of course, to suggest that Orwell’s study  of the  press
            coverage of the Civil War could be viewed as a model of sociological analysis. It
            was too impressionistic for that, lacking both methodological rigour or any sense
            of theoretical  distance. It was,  moreover, clearly  partisan in the respect that
            Orwell does  not conceal his  sympathy for the Trotskyist prognosis of the
            political logic of the War. However, I would count this in its favour. To speak of
            the political role of the media is not an abstract undertaking. It can be done only
            through a study of the role played by the media in  concrete, historically
            determined political conjunctures; and to study these, it is necessary to deal not
            only with the media  but also with the political issues at stake in those
            conjunctures. One does so at a price, of course. For it is not possible to offer an
            analysis of a given political conjuncture without being drawn—as Orwell was—
            into the maelstrom of political debate and, thereby, of politics itself. It is,
            however, misplaced to imagine that one might stand aloof from this arena.
              Perhaps the greatest value of Orwell’s study, however, consists in the fact that
            it deals with events that were of a momentous, world-historical significance in
            relation to which—although their  impact  may  not be quantifiable—the part
            played by the media was politically consequential in ways that may not seriously
            be doubted. In ‘Looking back on the Spanish War’, Orwell argues that, no matter
            what might have happened on the ideological front, the disposition of military
            and international forces was such that the Republic would probably have been
            lost anyway. But he also records that there are different ways in which a defeat
            may be suffered. As he wrote in Homage to Catalonia:
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