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40 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND SOCIETY
            by such debates. It was this tendency that Marcuse had in mind when he referred
            to the media’s role in effecting a ‘closing of the universe of discourse’.
              In an analysis of the presentation of prominent public figures in the American
            popular press,  for example,  Marcuse argued that  the  language used  tended
            toward an ‘authoritarian identification of person and function’ (Marcuse, 1968,
            p. 83) resulting in a ‘functionalized, abridged and unified language’ (ibid., p. 85)
            which militated against conceptual thought. Commenting on the use of
            ‘hyphenized abridgement’ in the following phrase: ‘Georgia’s high-handed, low-
            browed governor…had the stage all set for one of his wild political rallies last
            week’, he argues:

              The governor, his function, his physical features, and his political practices
              are fused together into one indivisible and immutable structure which, in
              its natural innocence and immediacy, overwhelms the reader’s mind. The
              structure leaves no space for  distinction, development, differentiation of
              meaning: it moves and lives only as a whole. (ibid., p. 83)

            Marcuse’s objection is thus to the ‘overwhelming concreteness’ of newspaper
            copy: ‘This language,  which constantly  imposes  images, militates against the
            development and expression  of  concepts. In  its  immediacy and directness,  it
            impedes conceptual thinking; thus, it impedes thinking’ (ibid., p. 84).
              The media, then, define for us the very terms in which we are to ‘think’ (or
            not ‘think’) the world. Their influence has to be assessed not in terms of what we
            think about or this or that particular issue, but in terms of the way in which they
            condition our entire intellectual gestalt. The threat they embody is that they inhibit
            thought itself by inducing us to live, mentally, in a world of hypnotic definitions
            and automatic  ideological equations  which rule out any effective cognitive
            mediation on our part. (Pateman, 1975, offers a useful and interesting extension
            of this argument.)
              It was, however, perhaps in their assessment of the cultural consequences of
            the mass media that the negativity of the Frankfurt theorists’ vision received its
            most acute expression. For they did not limit their concerns to the more obvious
            manifestations  of pulp  culture produced  by the  American film and  music
            industries. True, they did devote considerable attention to these, describing their
            mechanisms and effects, which they regarded as being virtually wholly narcotic
            or, worse, lobotomic, in some detail (see especially, Horkheimer and Adorno,
            1972). More distinctively, however, they also argued that the media had invaded
            and subverted the world of traditional high or bourgeois culture, making it more
            widely available only at the price of depriving it of the ‘aura’ of its separateness
            upon which its critical function had depended.
              According to the Frankfurt theorists, the bourgeois culture of the nineteenth
            century had always been, if only equivocally, an oppositional culture. Sealed off
            from the everyday world of business and commerce, it had spoken for the ideals
            and aspirations which remained suppressed within the work-a-day world of the
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