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46 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND SOCIETY
            political  practice. Marxist inquiry into the media  is  motivated by  the  need  to
            furnish a knowledge of their workings that can be put to use in the production of
            subversive signifying systems which might offset the effects  of  dominant
            ideology and contribute to the formation of a revolutionary consciousness within
            oppressed social groups and classes.
              Unfortunately, the precise way in which such questions are addressed depends
            upon the way in which the concept of ideology is interpreted and handled—a
            matter on which Marxists have been by no means united. The importance of such
            general conceptual considerations for the specific way in which the media are to
            be interrogated can be illustrated by considering the contrasting approach to the
            concept of ideology embodied  in  the works  of Georg Lukács  and  Louis
            Althusser.
              Lukács’s approach  to the question  of ideology is mediated  through  the
            framework of the so-called ‘materialist inversion’. Whereas Hegel had construed
            being  as the manifestation or product of consciousness, Marx  argued that the
            relationship between these terms should be inverted. ‘It is not the consciousness
            of men that  determines their being’, Marx  wrote, ‘but,  on the contrary,  their
            social being determines their consciousness’ (Bottomore and  Rubel, 1965, p.
            67). The question this poses is: How is this determination of consciousness by
            social being effected? How are we to conceive and represent the logic of this
            determination? Lukács’s contention was that the class relationships constituting
            the structure of social being determine the structure of ideological forms in the
            respect that they provide different conceptual vantage points which mould the
            consciousness of social agents in different ways. Ideological forms, that is to say,
            are  regarded as the  product or  reflection  of the ‘already-structured’
            consciousness of different class-based subjects of cognition. The position that
            they occupy within the structure of class relationships determines the structure
            and content  of men’s and women’s consciousness. The structure  and  content
            of such  ideological  forms as works  of art, literature and philosophy  are  then
            explained as the manifestation or reflection of what is thus posited as the already
            socially determined consciousness of the  social agents  to  which they are
            attributed. Lukács added to this the further argument that whereas the conceptual
            vantage point afforded by the  class  position  of the proletariat enabled  the
            proletariat to acquire a true knowledge of the workings of the capitalist system of
            production, the bourgeoisie was able to attain only a partial knowledge of these
            owing to the ‘false-consciousness’ necessarily engendered by its class position.
              Paul Hirst has offered a useful summary of this argument:

              .‘False consciousness’ is explained…by the relation of the subject to the
              object. Reality (the object) determines the place of the subject within it and,
              therefore, the conditions of  its experience of it.  Reality determines  the
              content of ideology; it generates false recognitions of itself by subjecting
              subjects to circumstances in which their experience is distorted. Reality is
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