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48 THEORIES OF THE MEDIA AND SOCIETY
            individuals by defining the linguistic  terms  within  which  their thought  is
            structured. And it does so not abstractly but concretely as a set of material signs
            relayed to individuals via the concrete mediations of home, school—and the media.
              Clearly, this is a very different approach to the study of ideology. Rather than
            being regarded as the product of  forms  of consciousness whose contours  are
            determined elsewhere, in the  economic  sphere, the signifying systems  which
            constitute the sphere of ideology are themselves viewed as the vehicles through
            which the consciousness of social agents is produced. The consequence of this is
            to  call  into question the concerns of  reflection theory, according to  which
            ideological  forms are interrogated to reveal  how their  determinations are
            ‘reflected’ or contained within their structure, and to put in its place a concern
            with the activity and effectivity of signification. The methodological import of
            this has been to suggest that the ideological forms relayed by the media should
            be read so as to decipher the signifying conventions by means of which they
            organize and  structure the consciousness of social agents. Its more general
            theoretical and political significance, however,  is that, escaping the economic
            reductionism of Lukács’ position, it allows the signifying systems which constitute
            the sphere of the ideological to be granted their own specific role and effectivity
            within social life.
              The  work of Louis Althusser has been  most influential in providing a
            framework within which this specific role and effectivity of the ideological can
            be theorized. To appreciate the role Althusser assigns to ideology, however, we
            must make a brief detour through Marx’s Grundrisse where Marx distinguishes
            between  the ‘real  history’ of capitalism  as a system of production which is
            already in existence and is thus ‘moving on its own foundations’, and the ‘history
            of its formation’. Marx discusses this problem with reference to the so-called
            process  of ‘primitive  accumulation’ whereby  the  preconditions for  production
            founded on capital, the separation of the labourer from the means of subsistence
            and the concentration of the ownership of the means of production, are brought
            into being. Marx’s point is that the details of the actual historical mechanisms by
            which such preconditions of capitalist production are created can have no bearing
            on the actual functioning of capitalism as  an economic system. For, once
            production is founded on a capitalist basis, it tends to reproduce the conditions
            of its own possibility, its historical presuppositions, as a result of its own internal
            action.  The  completion of every  cycle of exchange between the worker and
            capital increases the worker’s dependence on capital by impoverishing him or
            her at the same time as it enhances the domination of capital over the worker by
            augmenting its value. In this way, the social relationship of wage-labour which
            forms the basis of capitalist production is reproduced as a result of the logic of
            capitalist production itself irrespective of the way  in  which,  historically, that
            relationship was first founded.
              This perspective of reproduction is vital to recent developments in Marxist
            theory. In truth, it is not the only perspective to be found in the Grundrisse. For
            Marx went on to note that, at the same time as they reproduce themselves, the
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