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        knowledge. To round off this book, then, I shall explore the epistemological and political
        consequences of such an acknowledgement.



                             THE ACADEMIC CONNECTION

        Academic mass communication researchers, I noted in the Introduction, have often all too
        easily complied to the institutional point of view in their attempts to know the television
        audience, not necessarily in a political sense, but all the more in an epistemological sense.
        This is a bold statement that needs to be substantiated. Perhaps I can best do this  by
        pointing  at  the  cognitive authority inhabited by ratings discourse, not only within
        television institutions, but also within the academic communication research community.
           If ratings discourse derives its effectivity from its assumption that ‘television
        audience’ is a taxonomic collective consisting of the sum of audience members defined
        exclusively in terms of their measurable ‘viewing behaviour’, this very assumption has
        also predominated in the search for knowledge about the television audience in academic
        discourse.  For  instance, in their prestigious overview of social scientific television
        research, Television and Human Behavior, Comstock et al., to come to a ‘depiction of the
        audience’, have decided to draw heavily on data from the A.C.Nielsen company ‘because
        of their freshness and comprehensiveness’ (1978:86). The chapter concerned goes on to
        extrapolate  ‘trends  and patterns’ from the data, which are taken to ‘reflect the social
        phenomena of time use and taste’. Through an array of impressive-looking  charts,
        figures, tables, and graphics, representing things like average hours of viewing per week
        or by time of day, for different demographic groups, for different types of programmes,
        and so on, a sense of total overview of ‘television audience’ is created—a comprehensive
        map on which all important ‘facts’ are systematically identified and classified.
           In a book simply and  revealingly  entitled  The Television Audience: Patterns of
        Viewing, Goodhart  et al.  have carried out an even more sophisticated discursive
        streamlining of ‘television audience’. It is based upon (mainly British)  audience
        measurement data and is, again, presented as a systematic study of ‘how the viewer
        actually behaves’ (1975: vii, italics in original). Applying advanced statistical techniques,
        the authors have managed to construct a dazzling range of curious forms of aggregated
        audience  behaviour, such as ‘audience flow’ (the extent to which the same audience
        watches subsequent television programmes), ‘repeat-viewing’ (the extent to which the
        same people view different episodes of the same programme), and ‘channel loyalty’ (the
        extent to which viewers show a consistent preference for one channel over  another).
        Their mathematical  tour de force leads the authors to conclude that ‘instead of being
        complex…viewing behaviour and audience appreciation appear to follow a few general
        and simple patterns operating right across the board’ (Goodhardt et al. 1975:127). As a
        result, Goodhardt et al. claim to be capable of mapping audience behaviour with all but
        law-like precision. For example, what they call the ‘duplication of viewing law’ signifies
        that for any two programmes the level of ‘duplication’ or overlap in their audiences can
        be predicted on the basis of the ratings of  the  programmes,  and  not  on  their  content:
        ‘people who watch one particular western are no more likely to watch other westerns than
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        are other viewers’ (ibid.: 129).  A statistically constructed, objective ‘fact’ about viewing
        behaviour is thus established without any reference to the subjectivity of viewers. In this
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