Page 153 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases

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BRIEF, BUTZ, DEITCH
more than 21% of service occupations (U.S. Department of Labor, 2001).
Further, even within single industries, horizontal segregation by race is
strikingly common. For instance, 35.5% of postal clerks are Black, but
only 14.9% of mail carriers are Black; 17.4% of restaurant cooks are Black,
whereas Blacks make up less than 6% of wait staffs (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2002a). In essence, although the American population has become
more diverse racially and ethnically (Whites now account for only 75%
of the population; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2000), the above statistics
suggest that racial composition within and across organizations does not
parallel or reflect the increase in demographic diversity (Operario & Fiske,
2001).
Once in the organization, Blacks continue to receive differential treat­
ment. For instance, evidence suggests that Blacks are paid less and are
pigeon-holed into jobs with lower status and shorter career ladders. In a
review of the audit studies mentioned above, Bendick et al. (1994) found
that once a job offer was made, there was an overall 17% chance that White
applicants were offered a higher starting salary than Blacks. In addition,
Whites were steered into jobs that were below their qualifications 37%
less than were their Black counterparts. In a study of wage differentials in
Atlanta, Boston, Detroit, and Los Angeles, Neumark (1999) compared the
starting wages of Blacks and Whites who later came to perform equally
well on the job (i.e., starting wages were regressed on performance that
was measured some time after the beginning of employment). His over­
all finding was that Blacks were paid lower starting wages than Whites
with the same eventual performance. Although such wage differentials
can be explained partially by differences in education, human capital, and
job experience, a significant portion of the wage gap remains unexplained,
raising the possibility of race as a cause (Cohn, 2000; Couch & Daly, 2002;
Gill, 1989). For instance, Cawley, Heckman, and Vytlacil (1999) examined
wages and ability and found that cognitive ability and human capital mea­
sures combined explained less than a third of the variance in Black-White
wage differentials. These authors concluded that the wage return to ability
is not uniform across races—what one earns on the job does depend on
race.
In addition to pay, Black-White differences can be seen in job placements
and promotions. Research indicates that when Black employees are pro­
moted, they are often promoted into jobs with less power and responsibil­
ity than Whites and are relegated to stereotypical jobs—for example, those
dealing with "minority issues" (Collins, 1989; Mueller, Parcel, & Kazuko,
1989). Also, studies have shown that shortly after entry into an organiza­
tion, Blacks are more likely to be assigned to a Black supervisor than are
their White counterparts (Lefkowitz, 1994). This type of assignment based