Page 154 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases
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6. RACE COMPOSITION
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 on race helps ensure that Black employees continue in the same career paths
 and ladders as those who have come before them. Unfortunately, computer
 simulations of the impact of these types of decisions have shown that even
 miniscule differences at the lower levels of an organization's hierarchy can
 produce wide disparity at the top levels (Martell, Lane, & Emrich, 1996).
 The above evidence suggests that even if Blacks are hired by firms in rela­
 tively large numbers (for example, in response to pressure to comply with
 Affirmative Action or Equal Employment Opportunity directives), Black-
 White disparities often emerge in other areas such as pay, placement, and
 opportunities to advance (Mitra, 1999).
 Finally, there is some evidence of Black-White differences in informal
 day-to-day interaction in the workplace. Research has indicated that Black
 employees often face a less welcoming workplace than Whites that may
 include fewer mentors to sponsor and guide them, greater social isola­
 tion from important informal networks (Reskin, 1998), greater supervi­
 sory control of their work (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), and more everyday
 incidents of devaluation and exclusion (Deitch et al., 2002; Essed, 1991).
 Compared to their White counterparts, Blacks in the workplace more often
 hold what Kanter (1977) has called "token" status, where they are treated
 like symbols or representatives of a category rather than as individuals.
 Having token status can result in being held to a different or higher stan­
 dard (Cox & Nkomo, 1986). So, for example, Black employees might be
 evaluated not only on how well they perform their job, but also on how
 well they represent (or do not represent) their minority category (Kanter,
 1977).
 We have offered the above evidence of Black-White disparities in the
 American labor market and workplace because, by and large, a perusal of
 the organizational literature might lead one to think that organizations are
 largely race neutral (Brief, 1998; Cox & Nkomo, 1990). Organizations are
 not race neutral; Blacks face less chance of being hired as well as, once in
 the door, lower income, prestige, opportunity and increased performance
 pressure. Indeed:

 Despite protestations to the contrary, there is widespread and convincing evi­
 dence that [minority group members] face a rather daunting situation in the
 labor market. The level of stress this situation is likely to produce may even
 interfere with the way in which they perform their jobs and result in things
 like higher levels of job alienation and less commitment to their employers
 (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999, p. 175).
 It is for these reasons that we feel the need and the responsibility to bet­
 ter understand how race composition in organizations is impacted by the
 larger organizational environment.
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