Page 364 - Discrimination at Work The Psychological and Organizational Bases
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 14. LAW AND PSYCHOLOGY
 intentional actions—choices—of biased or prejudiced persons that cause
 discrimination. Intentional discrimination suggests that once persons
 know which behaviors constitute illegal discrimination, all they must do is
 choose (i.e., use free will) to avoid them, even though they are prejudiced,
 knowing that their resulting behavior will then not be illegal discrimina­
 tion. Thus, the logic behind Title VII was that employers would change
 their behaviors (i.e., make conscious choices not to discriminate illegally)
 because they would be motivated to do so.
 The touchstone of the disparate treatment model of discrimination is this
 motivational view of behavior and intent. Individuals may be prejudiced
 or hostile to racial or other groups, but they can choose not to act on those
 behaviors. As long as they make the right choices, discrimination will not
 occur. Of course, implicit in this assumption is that individuals must be
 consciously aware of their prejudices and hostility and of the ways in which
 their biases would tend to influence them. Certainly no individual can act
 against a stereotype or prejudice unless he or she is aware of the need to
 engage in counteraction.
 Early disparate treatment law cases sometimes included direct evidence
 of this conscious hostility or intent to discriminate. Because perceivers can
 never know what another person actually thinks, the determination of
 intent required inferences arising from the other person's behavior. For ex­
 ample, in the early case of Slack v. Havens, (1975) four Black women claimed
 that they were illegally discharged because of their race when they refused
 to perform heavy cleaning duties that were not within their job description.
 Another coworker, a White woman, was excused from performing these
 duties. Their supervisor, Pohansky, who had ordered the women to do
 the heavy work, was known for making statements such as "Colored
 people should stay in their places" and "Colored folks are hired to clean
 because they clean better " (pp. 1092-1093). The court noted that these state­
 ments reflected ill motives for requiring the Black plaintiffs to perform the
 heavy cleaning. The statements were taken as "direct evidence" of racial
 animus, i.e., conscious intent to discriminate on the basis of race. Under the
 law, "direct evidence" suggests that the commentary from Pohansky was
 the equivalent of Pohansky telling the women that they were discharged
 as a result of their being Black. In other words, he was aware of his preju­
 dicial attitudes toward Black persons and consciously treated them differ­
 ently as a result. The bad intent caused the illegal discrimination to occur,
 supporting a district court decision (later affirmed) for the plaintiffs.
 If Pohansky had not made the statements attributed to him, but had
 instead told the plaintiffs that they were selected because he truly believed
 they cleaned better than the White woman (based on his own observation),
 would the result have been the same? He might still have been acting out of
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