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SPIN

               electronic means of communication have opened up a whole range of
               mediated transactions that do not rely on speech. Some linguists now
               use the term language community instead.
                  Second, the reference to ‘community’ seems something of a
               misnomer under late capitalism. This is not just a question of the
               division of labour. In the case of UK society, for example, it is now
               clearer than ever that gross inequalities of material advantage continue
               to accumulate around the divisions of ethnicity, gender, class and
               region. And if the society displays not only diversity but also
               fundamental division, then verbal practices themselves will not just be
               held in common, but will come to operate actively in opposition to
               each other.

               See also: Standard language
               Further reading: Montgomery (1986)


               SPIN

               The management of news by professional publicists and media
               agencies, both independent and attached to governments or ministries.
               The professionalisation of public communication in general. ‘Spin
               doctors’ became familiar in the UK during the 1990s, and were
               especially associated with the very tight control of their public image
               that was exercised by the New Labour Party prior to the election of
               the Blair government in 1997 (and subsequently). The dark arts of
               media manipulation were used not only externally, to control as much
               as possible the flow, even the style, of information used by journalists,
               but also internally, to make sure Labour politicians themselves
               remained ‘on message’ at all times.
                  Commercial publicists such as Max Clifford also achieved celebrity
               status during the same era. Clifford specialised in selling scandalous
               stories about private lives to tabloids. If the private life in question was
               that of a political high flier, and preferably a Tory, so much the better.
               Clifford presented himself as a champion of the ‘little person’. Not
               only did they deserve to win (through his contacts with the media) the
               full value of the ‘intellectual property’ their gossip or scandal could
               command, but in addition, the impact of revelations on the careers of
               the high and mighty – often catastrophic – was seen as exerting a kind
               of moral justice. Indeed, the dying days of the Conservative
               government under John Major were dogged by sleaze and scandal,
               some of which undoubtedly contributed to their trouncing in the


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