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20   John J. Gumperz and Jenny Cook-Gumperz


                          and c) his background knowledge tells him that this sort of stress is often used
                          when a speaker has a proposal to make. Therefore he seems justified in drawing
                          the inference that the speaker had some activity in mind. And this is what moti-
                          vates his inference. Such an interpretation is of course not the only possible one.
                          The background knowledge Bill relied on was acquired through past communi-
                          cative experience.
                             Where background knowledge or indexical signaling processes are not
                          shared, interpretations may differ, and this is precisely what tends to go wrong
                          when people who differ in cultural knowledge interact. Focusing on communi-
                          cative practice does not solve the problem of interpretive ambiguity. The aim is
                          to detect what it is about speakers’ linguistic and cultural background that leads
                          them to a particular interpretation. This is of course quite different from assess-
                          ing the truth or falsity of specific interpretations. Situated on-line interpretation
                          that reveals both what the most likely inferences are and how participants arrive
                          at them can be shown to be useful in studies of inter-cultural and inter-ethnic
                          communication in detecting systematic differences in interpretive practices af-
                          fecting individuals’ ability to create and maintain conversational involvement.



                          5.     Misunderstandings as a resource for generalizations
                                 about communicative practice

                          Throughout the chapter we use excerpts from urban encounters to show how dis-
                          course analysis of the linguistic anthropologists’ notion of context-bound com-
                          municative practice has begun to reshape our understanding of the complexities
                          of communication in everyday situations. To reiterate: what the presuppositions
                          are that enter into conversational inference and how they are reflected in talk
                          varies among other things with speakers’ and listeners’ communicative back-
                          ground. The sharing of inferential procedures cannot be taken for granted; it
                          must be demonstrated through ethnographically informed in-depth analysis of
                          what transpires in an encounter. A main purpose of analysis is to show how di-
                          versity can affect interpretation. Some of the best known studies in interactional
                          sociolinguistics were in fact carried out in urban workplace settings where
                          laymen who are under great pressure to perform must deal with experts whose
                          interpretive premises are quite different from their own and therefore operate
                          with different background assumptions (Gumperz 1981, 1982; Gumperz and
                          Roberts 1991, Roberts in this volume). Analysis of such situations can reveal the
                          nature of the inferential process.
                             Now consider the following brief excerpt from a set of selection interviews
                          for individuals who, having lost their positions are applying for paid trainee-
                          ships at a publicly funded institution offering instruction in skills that are in
                          short supply. In each case R is the interviewer and T the applicant.
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