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16   John J. Gumperz and Jenny Cook-Gumperz


                          classroom lectures, medical encounters, and other informal encounters that we
                          typically participate in during the course of our lives, also constitute speech
                          events, as many of the chapters in this volume demonstrate. Yet, we also know
                          that many intercultural situations differ from what we know from reading exist-
                          ing ethnographic accounts in that they are less sharply delimited and that we
                          commonly employ event names only after the encounter, to convey something
                          of what was done at the time. Such labels are not sufficiently refined to capture
                          the details of what goes on. In a job interview, for example, a great deal of the
                          time may be spent in casual talk, or narratives may be used to illustrate a point,
                          anecdotes may be told, or elaborate instructions given, and so on.
                             At this stage it is useful to distinguish between different ways of analyzing
                          interpretations. Initially, linguistic anthropologists relied on ethnographic obser-
                          vations to reveal the cultural assumptions that underlie interpretations. Some-
                          what later a second approach emerged that focuses directly on the organization
                          of speech exchanges and takes a broader view of language as communicating
                          both content and metapragmatic or indexical information about content. This
                          later approach became known as interactional sociolinguistics (Gumperz 1982).
                             A new analytic concept that accounts for conversationalists’ ability to dis-
                          tinguish among phases of an event and to reach agreement on what is intended at
                          any one time has become established: the speech activity. In this we assume that
                          in the initial phase of interpretive processes listeners seek to relate the ongoing
                          talk to past experiences by categorizing what they see and hear as an instanti-
                          ation of one or another activity type (Levinson 1983). Whereas speech events
                          exist in time and space, the notion of activity type is used here to refer to mental
                          models or schemata of goal-oriented actions. Such models yield criteria for
                          judging what is expected and for inferring how what is said in the course of
                          an event fits into a coherent whole. Agreement on what activity type is being
                          enacted at any given time thus also implies agreement on culturally grounded
                          inferences such as what the likely communicative outcomes are, what range of
                          topics can be brought up, what information can be expressed in words, and what
                          interpretations should be alluded to indirectly by building on shared understand-
                          ing (Gumperz 1981, 1982).
                             The following example will illustrate some of these points.

                          Example 2
                          [New research assistant addressing the secretary of the research unit]
                          A: Good morning.
                          B: HI JOHN.
                          A: HOWDI.
                          B: HOW’RE YA DOIN?
                          A: Fine … ah … do you know – did you get anything back on those forms you
                             had me fill out?
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