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SEDITIOUS
                                                                             LIBEL
                 130
                 Jennings  Bryan.  It  came  about  because  in  1925  the  state  of  Tennessee  passed
                 the Butler Act, which made it illegal to teach Charles Darwin's evolution theory
                 in  any  of  the  state's  classrooms,  including  colleges  and  universities.
                   The  American  Civil  Liberties  Union  (ACLU) jumped  on  the  chance  to  test
                 the  constitutionality  of  the  new  law  and  sought  an  opportunity  for  a  test  case
                 of  the  law.  It  sent  out  press  releases  looking  for  suitable  candidates,  hopefully,
                 teachers,  who  would  be  willing  to  participate  in  the  test  case. Farther  away,  in
                 a  small  town  called  Dayton,  Tennessee,  two  men—George  Washington  Rap-
                 pleyea,  a  citizen,  and  school  board  president  F.  E.  Robinson—read  about  the
                 ACLU's  plan.  They  decided  they  wanted  to  take  part  in  the ACLU's  "experi-
                 ment' '  and  put  the  small  city  on  the  map.  Dayton  would  be  an  ideal  location,
                 in  their  opinion,  because  the  town's  residents  were  known  for  their  fundamen-
                 talist  belief  that  the Bible  was  literal.  In  addition,  the pair had  the perfect  ' 'de-
                 fendant":  Dayton  high  school  teacher  John  Thomas  Scopes.  Scopes,  25  years
                 old,  taught  evolution  in  a  science  course  and  was  known  to  be  a  supporter  of
                 Darwin's  theories.  Rappleyea  and  Robinson  approached  Scopes,  who  agreed
                 with  their  plan.  The  ACLU  agreed  to  use  Scopes  as  the  defendant  in  the  case.
                 Both  groups  felt  confident  of their  ability  to have the law ruled  unconstitutional
                 of  the  separation  of  church  and  state.
                   The  case  finally  went  to  trial  on  July  10,  1925. However,  events  did  not  go
                 as  smoothly  as  the  ACLU  had  anticipated.  The  press  flocked  to  the  little  town
                 and  dubbed  the  case  the  "monkey  trial,"  lending  a  mocking  tone  to  the  case.
                 Judge  John  T.  Raulston  forbade  the  case  from  becoming  an  issue  of  the  law's
                 constitutionality.  The  question  was  solely  whether  Scopes  had  committed  a
                 crime  in  light  of  the law.  Scopes  was not  permitted  to  testify  about his actions.
                   Darrow's  and  Bryan's  oratory  and  legal  skills  went  head-to-head  as  Darrow
                 used  scientists  to  support  his  defendant,  and  Bryan  used biblical  Scriptures  and
                 rhetoric  to  support his position.  At  one point,  he even  went to the witness  chair
                 himself  to  defend  the  Bible! Twelve  days  later,  on  July  21, Scopes  was  found
                 guilty  by jury  of  violating  the  law  and fined $100. The case  was  appealed,  and
                 the  lower  court's  opinion  was  overturned,  but  not  on  the basis  of  the  constitu-
                 tionality  of  the  law.  Instead,  it  found  that  the  $100  fine  was  excessive  for  the
                 crime committed. It was not until  1967, more than 40 years later, that Tennessee
                 repealed  the  act.
                 SOURCES:  Leon  Hurvitz,  Historical  Dictionary  of  Censorship  in  the  United  States,
                  1985; George  C.  Kohn, Encyclopedia  of American  Scandal,  1989.
                                                              Jacqueline  Nash  Gifford


                 SEDITIOUS   LIBEL  seems clear enough  in Black's Law Dictionary: "A  com-
                           .
                 munication ..  with  the  intent  to  incite  the  people  to  change  the  government
                 otherwise  than  by  lawful  means,  or  to  advocate  the  violent  overthrow  of  the
                 government  by  force  of  violence."  But  from  the  onset  of  the printing  press  in
                 the  sixteenth  century  and  through  much  of  seventeenth-  and  eighteenth-century
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