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                                The Rise of Majoritarianism
              through the 1810s and into the ’20s, their weakly coupled networks and
              allianceskeptthemfromnationalizingorinstitutionalizingthemselves. 33
              The “Republican” in Vermont in 1796 would have had little connection
              with a “Republican” in South Carolina, and sharing party labels did not
              necessarily dispose citizens toward the same presidential candidates or
              political ideas. Despite the efforts of party-builders, the nascent parties
              simply could not gain national traction so long as it was largely impos-
              sible to communicate systematically on a national scale. This failure of
              national political integration formed a continuing basis for the highly
              sectional voting that lasted until the contests of 1836, 1840, and 1844,
              even as the parties began to solidify. 34
                The communication problems affecting everything from representa-
              tion to party development thrust the country into what Paul Goodman
              calls a “crisis of integration.” Democratic action rooted in the public in-
              terest and resting on the legitimacy of majority sentiment was for the
              most part impossible, since “no one could authoritatively know or in-
              terpret the majority’s wishes because the people themselves often had no
              opinion, and when they did, it was hopelessly divided or fragmented.” 35
              Elected officials maneuvering for influence had little chance to appeal
              to the demands of the public or to invoke a public mandate. In the
              arena of public opinion, these conditions created “the politics of as-
              sent,” whereby the many fragmented publics largely assented to decisions
              made on their behalf by the American political gentry. 36  Isolation and
              the resulting political enervation were distinguishing characteristics of
              democracy in the Jeffersonian period. 37  In the near absence of the flow
              of even simple political information, no important political interme-
              diaries could arise to organize the public, initiate collective action, or

              33
                Paul Goodman, “The First American Party System,” in William Nisbet Chambers and
                Walter Dean Burnham, eds., The American Party Systems: Stages of Political Devel-
                opment (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 86; Richard P. McCormick,
                “Political Development and the Second Party System,” in William Nisbet Chambers
                and Walter Dean Burnham, eds., The American Party Systems; Richard P. McCormick,
                The Second American Party System: Party Formation in the Jacksonian Era (Chapel Hill:
                University of North Carolina Press, 1966).
              34  Ronald P. Formisano, “Federalists and Republicans: Parties, Yes – System, No,” in Paul
                Kleppner et al., eds., The Evolution of American Electoral Systems (Westport, Conn.:
                Greenwood, 1981), pp. 33–76; McCormick, “Political Development and the Second
                Party System.”
              35  Goodman, “The First American Party System,” p. 61.
              36
                Schudson, The Good Citizen.
              37
                James Sterling Young, The Washington Community 1800–1828 (New York: Columbia
                University Press, 1966).
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