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                                  Information Revolutions
              was even larger. One can imagine, for instance, the difficulties faced by
                                                                         31
              Senator John Armstrong, Jr., of New York, who served 1800 to 1804. A
              native Pennsylvanian who had settled in Dutchess County, New York, at
              the age of thirty-six, how could he as senator follow the concerns of his
              constituents hundreds of miles away in the frontier town of Buffalo, for
              example? How could he even identify in common with them an ideol-
              ogy or meaningful party attachment? Obstacles to communication were
              exacerbated for officials actually located in the capital city, since the pos-
              sibility of consultation with constituents was largely out of the question,
              and the flow of news from the state or district spotty at best. In a sense,
              Presidents faced the greatest communication problem, since they were
              chosen by electors representing a public about whom they could know
              little, and whom they could not address. Historian James Sterling Young
              labels the lack of communication in the early republic a “quarantine”
              of government from society; indeed, a government official at the out-
              set of the nineteenth century acknowledged that he and his colleagues
              amounted to “monks in a monastery.” 32
                 The political consequences of this monastic isolation and absence of
              national-scale communication can scarcely be exaggerated. Representa-
              tion rested on only the sketchiest of foundations, since public officials
              had no systematic way of knowing more than a little about their con-
              stituents.Bythesametoken,thecapacityofvoterstoassignresponsibility
              for outcomes and hold officials accountable was limited, since even the
              most attentive elites found it hard to form a clear picture of the details of
              policy making. The concerns of citizens in one community could not be
              readily communicated to those in another, and conversations about the
              national interests did not take place outside of individual communities
              and councils of elites. The impoverishment of information and com-
              munication stunted the evolution of political identities, since identity
              formation requires the exchange of ideas and values among citizens and
              the perception of self in relation to others. Needless to say, given all this,
              the limited flow of information obstructed the formation of coalitions
              and coordinated political action, thus retarding the development of a
              system of political parties. Protoparties had emerged by the 1790s, but

              31
                He served from 1800 to 1802 and 1803 to 1804, due to a series of resignations, ap-
                pointments, and elections. U.S. Senate, Biographical Directory of the United States
                Congress, 1774-Present, 2001. http://bioguide.congress.gov.
              32
                George Gibbs, Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams, vol. 2
                (NewYork:WilliamvanNorden,1846),citedinJamesSterlingYoung,TheWashington
                Community 1800–1828 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), p. 32.

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