Page 192 - Key Words in Religion Media and Culture
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Soundscape  175

             genres. Certain chants serve a similar devotional purpose but are explicitly
             acknowledged to form “music” in the proper sense of the term. In some
             Sufi contexts, praise songs may also be directed at particular local “saints”
             (sing. wali: literally “friend of God”). To a greater extent than the different
             styles of Qur’anic recitation, all these chants and hymns draw on the musical
             and oral-expressive repertoire and stylistic conventions of particular Muslim
             societies.
               In some regional contexts, women have historically played an important
             role  in  composing  and  performing  these  forms  of  sonic  devotion  and  in
             organizing the religious celebrations (such as the Prophet’s birthday, mawlid
             al-nabi)  of  which  the  chants  are  a  foundational  element  (e.g.,  Mack  and
             Boyd 2004).
               The  all-encompassing  nature  of  this  sound  architectonics  is  currently
             reinvigorated  by  new,  mostly  aural  recording  technologies.  These
             technologies move practices and experiences related to the aural perception
             of spiritual presence into new arenas of daily life, beyond the immediate
             sphere of ritual action to which these aural forms of spiritual experience
             used to be restricted. Along with these changes, they generate new sites for
             the  assertion,  validation,  but  also  contestation  of  religious  authority.  For
             instance, in many Muslim majority settings, the advent of new audio and
             visual recording technologies creates new opportunities for women to excel
             in their conventional “musical” and expressive performances at a new scale;
             simultaneously,  however,  these  developments  yield  very  equivocal  effects
             for women. Rather than helping women to simply “carve out” new spaces
             of moral authority and religious leadership, they also expose women to the
             criticism of the religious establishment and of other critics.
               In most Muslim majority settings, audio and visual recording technologies
             interlock with an expanding market of consumer culture and mass-mediated
             forms of entertainment. They thereby facilitate a blurring of the conventional
             divide  of  Qur’anic  recitation  and  its  attendant  strict  rules  regulating  the
             correct oral rendering of the Qur’an (tajwid; Nelson 2001, ch. 2) on one
             side, and music and other aurally and vocally mediated spiritual engagements
             on  the  other.  Not  only  does  the  figure  of  the  reciter  or  “musician,”  as
             the  mediator  of  religious  experience,  receive  new  attention  and  generate
             new  debate  and  disagreement  within  the  Muslim  scholarly  community;
             the recitation and sermonizing traditions absorb stylistic conventions and
             expectations  of  the  entertainment  industry  and  thus  make  preachers  and
             reciters accountable to the same requirements of an aesthetically compelling
             performance  to  which  other  types  of  public  performers  need  to  submit.
             These various aural forms thus generate new spaces for experience, practice,
             and forms of authenticating spiritual leadership and new modes of attention,
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