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58  J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu

             media means the boundaries of religious community are being constantly
             redefined. In Africa, Pentecostal-charismatic communions now influence the
             dominant  modes  of  representation,  that  is,  the  formats,  styles,  and  ways
             of  framing  in  the  public  sphere  leading  to  a  gradual  “Pentecostalization”
             of  that  sphere.  One  way  in  which  this  has  been  achieved  is  through  the
             film industry, wherein worldviews of mystical causality are sustained. This
             ever-popular African film industry is dominated by story lines that privilege
             Pentecostal Christianity over traditional religions by demonizing the latter
             as the domain of the devil.
               Birgit Meyer writes that “collective rituals are prime examples of sensational
             forms, in that they address and involve participants in a specific manner
             and induce particular feelings” (Meyer 2006: 9). Her observation recalls the
             Muslim practice of praying at set times facing a particular direction, wherever
             one may be around the globe. It also brings to mind the Pentecostal religious
             practice of the “prayer chain.” Here, individual members of the community
             are charged to pray on particular topics, during particular hours, and for the
             same length of time. During that period, people may be praying individually
             but, in fact, they do so as participants in “community” separated only by
             distance and space. They remain one in spirit and in the Spirit. Similarly,
             the world of media has seismically altered the way in which sacred realities
             are  encountered.  Members  and  nonmembers  of  religious  communities
             have  become  consumers  of  mediated  religion,  making  the  mass  media
             leading players in the field of religious belief and practice. Defining religion
             within the context of visual practice, for example, David Morgan refers to
             “configurations  in  social  relatedness  and  cultural  ordering  that  appeal  to
             powers that assist humans in organizing their collective and individual lives.”
             Further, religion is a way of controlling events or experience for the purpose
             of  living  better,  longer,  more  meaningfully,  or  with  less  hazard  (Morgan
             2005:  52).  For  many,  then,  particularly  in  non-Western  primal  cultures,
             religion is a survival strategy and usually something that involves the entire
             community.
               However, religion as expressed in the modern West can also be a highly
             intellectualized activity. The very conscious and sometimes aggressive attempt
             to keep religion private and to restrain it from encroaching on public space
             has led partly to the innovative “mediatizations” of the sacred we find in the
             modern world. Community-based religions such as Christianity and Islam
             feel under siege. One Internet web site is named “Indians against Christian
             Aggression”:  www.christreview.org.  The  two  religions  have  reacted  in
             different ways, including the creation of virtual religious communities that
             access religious resources through the media. A sense of shared belief and
             purpose and of mutual support, for instance, helps televangelism’s viewers
             to face threats to their faith (Alexander 19994: 85). In the aftermath of 9/11,
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