Page 20 - Living Room Wars Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
P. 20

Introduction      11
           One observer estimates that as interactive television enters living rooms in some US
        cities, consumers will have a choice of 7000 to 14,000 programmes a week.  To  help
        consumers find what they want to watch, an interactive electronic programme guide is
        being developed with which they can navigate  through this enormous menu (Clancey
        1993). By the end of 1995, there will be some 800 transponders available for satellite TV
        transmission over the Eastern Asian region, deemed to be the most lucrative market for
        global broadcasters today. In a region which is described by some commentators as ‘TV-
        starved’, the prospect of increased choice is unsurprisingly and unthinkingly hailed as
        ‘progress’. But even here ‘[t]he million-dollar  question  is: how many [channels] are
        enough?’ (Asiaweek 1994).
           In postmodern culture the discourse of  choice  has expanded exponentially—it is a
        discourse in which the rhetoric of the liberatory benefits of personal autonomy and
        individual self-determination has become hegemonic. No longer tied to ‘tradition’ or the
        restrictions of class, gender or race, subjects in the postmodern world are now impelled to
        constantly reconstruct and reinvent themselves; in pursuit of happiness, life is defined as
        the ability to make an ever-increasing number of choices. The concept of  ‘life-style’
        articulates this particularly postmodern predicament. Life-styles are the fluid  and
        changeable popular aesthetic formations  of identity produced through self-reflexive
        consumption and disembedded from stable social networks (Chancy 1994:208; Lash and
        Urry 1994:142). But if such  postmodern  lifestyles suggest a liberation from social
        necessity, don’t they also imply a compulsion to activeness, to self-reflexivity, to creative
        self-construction?  Seen  this way, the ‘active audience’ represents a state of being
        condemned to freedom of choice.
           Far from being romanticized or celebrated, then, it is in this context that the practices
        of active meaning making in the process of media consumption—as part of creating a
        ‘life-style’ for oneself—need to be understood. I want to suggest that the significance of
        the new audience studies should not be sought in their deconstruction of the idea of the
        ‘passive audience’—that figure of an older, arguably modernist paradigm—but in their
        exploration of how people live within an increasingly media-saturated culture, in which
        they have to be active (as choosers and readers, pleasure seekers and interpreters) in order
        to  produce  any  meaning at all out of the  overdose of images thrown before us.
        Paradoxically, then, postmodern consumer  culture  requires people to be more
        semiotically skilled, more sophisticated or educated in their meaning making abilities. As
        Lash and Urry put it, it

              is not that the inflation of images leads to an inability to attach meanings
              or ‘signifieds’ to images, or even the triumph of spectacle over narrative.
              It is instead that the speed at which we attach meanings to signifiers has
              and will greatly increase.
                                                      (Lash and Urry 1994:55)

        But Lash and Urry speak in the name of a too abstracted, generalized ‘we’. After all, for
        whom  does  all this apply? And how do different people in different places, living in
        different conditions and under different circumstances, with more or less semiotic skills
        and familiarity with postmodern aesthetics, actually attach meanings to the images they
        encounter, whether or not they are of their own choosing? I believe that that it is this
   15   16   17   18   19   20   21   22   23   24   25