Page 17 - Living Room Wars Rethinking Media Audiences for a Postmodern World
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Living room wars       8
        audience’ is an unnecessarily narrow one, too preoccupied with finding a ‘correct’ critical
        position about popular  television—a position which, depending on your standpoint,
        would be either optimistic or pessimistic. Such priority given to the need for ‘legislative’
        political judgement—which, incidentally, mirrors a dominant tendency in debates pro and
        contra postmodernism—is itself, as Bauman  (1987) has pointed out, a particularly
        modernist intellectual preoccupation which obscures rather than illuminates  what  is  at
        stake in the ‘cultural turn’ in audience studies. Far from just advocating the optimistic
        and self-congratulatory liberal mirage of consumer freedom and sovereignty, I want to
        suggest that the new figure of the ‘active audience’ within cultural studies can be taken as
        a marker of the very transition from the modern to the postmodern I have been talking
        about here. In other words,  I want to see the discursive emergence of the ‘active
        audience’ as a sign of heightened cultural contradiction in contemporary society.
           Of course, the idea that audiences are ‘active’ in their encounters and engagements
        with the media is in itself a rather banal observation (Morris 1988a). But it becomes more
        theoretically substantial if we understand  it  precisely in the context of the
        postmodernization of television and of culture and society more generally. Jim McGuigan
        observes:

              Active audience research and the meaning of television in everyday life
              took a certain priority during the 1980s. Such research was rarely linked
              to the complex economic determinations, technological and  policy
              changes occurring around television nationally and internationally.
                                                        (McGuigan 1992:128)

        Similarly, John Corner remarks that ‘so much conceptual effort has been centered  on
        audiences’ interpretative activity that even the preliminary theorization of [media power]
        has become awkward’ (1991:267). McGuigan’s and Corner’s comments do ring true—
        there has indeed not been much attention paid to the relation between the cultural and the
        economic  in most audience studies, new or  otherwise, although the same can be said
        about most work in the political economy of the media (Golding and Murdock 1991). But
        I want to suggest that if we shift the perspective somewhat, if we  take  the  ‘active
        audience’  not  just as an empirical phenomenon but as the sign for a particular new
        problematic, then the apparent gap between the cultural and economic—or that between
        emphasis on interpretation and emphasis on effects—ceases to be so great. I want to go
        beyond the view that attention to the ‘active audience’ is necessarily antagonistic to a
        consideration of media power. Far from it. The ‘active audience’, I suggest, can be taken
        as a condensed image of the ‘disorder of things’ in a postmodernized world—a world
        which has seriously destabilized the functionalist connection between television and
        modernity. This doesn’t mean an end to television’s power, but a reconfiguration of it in
        postmodern terms.
           There have indeed been rapid alterations surrounding the place and operation  of
        television itself during the last twenty years  or  so. We know the symptoms: national
        public broadcast TV hegemony (in Europe) was undermined by  increasing
        commercialization and internationalization; the sweeping reach of  network  TV  (in  the
        United  States) was eroded by the advent of dozens, if not hundreds, of smaller, more
        specialized and localized channels; not only in the industrialized world but also in the
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