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6. SOCIAL COGNITIVE THEORY OF MASS COMMUNICATION               137

        model’s emotional experiences (Wilson & Cantor, 1985). Conversely, they
        can neutralize or attenuate the emotional impact of modeled distress by
        thoughts that transform threatening situations into nonthreatening ones
        (Bandura, 1986; Cantor & Wilson, 1988; Dysinger & Ruckmick, 1933).
           If the affective reactions of models only aroused observers fleetingly, it
        would be of some interest as far as momentary communication is con-
        cerned, but of limited psychological import. What gives significance to
        vicarious influence is that observers can acquire lasting attitudes, emo-
        tional reactions, and behavioral proclivities toward persons, places, or
        things that have been associated with modeled emotional experiences.
        They learn to fear the things that frightened models, to dislike what
        repulsed them, and to like what gratified them (Bandura, 1986; Duncker,
        1938). Fears and intractable phobias are ameliorated by modeling influ-
        ences that convey information about coping strategies for exercising con-
        trol over the things that are feared. The stronger the instilled sense of cop-
        ing self-efficacy, the bolder the behavior (Bandura, 1997). Values can
        similarly be developed and altered vicariously by repeated exposure to
        modeled preferences.



                     SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF REALITY

        Televised representations of social realities reflect ideological bents in
        their portrayal of human nature, social relations, and the norms and struc-
        ture of society (Adoni & Mane, 1984; Gerbner, 1972). Heavy exposure to
        this symbolic world may eventually make the televised images appear to
        be the authentic state of human affairs. Some disputes about the vicarious
        cultivation of beliefs has arisen over findings from correlational studies
        using global indices based on amount of television viewing (Gerbner,
        Gross, Morgan & Signorielli, 1981; Hirsch, 1980). Televised influence is
        best defined in terms of the contents people watch rather than the sheer
        amount of television viewing. More particularized measures of exposure
        to the televised fare show that heavy television viewing shapes viewers’
        beliefs and conceptions of reality (Hawkins & Pingree, 1982). The relation-
        ship remains when other possible contributing factors are simultaneously
        controlled.
           Vicarious cultivation of social conceptions is most clearly revealed in
        studies verifying the direction of causality by varying experimentally the
        nature and amount of exposure to media influences. Controlled labora-
        tory studies provide converging evidence that television portrayals
        shape viewers’ beliefs (Flerx, Fidler, & Rogers, 1976; O’Bryant & Corder-
        Bolz, 1978). Portrayals in the print media similarly shape conceptions of
        social reality (Heath, 1984; Siegel, 1958). To see the world as the televised
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