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140                                                      BANDURA

        equal to, or outweigh nonmedia influences. Given the dynamic nature of
        multifaceted causal structures, efforts to affix an average strength to a
        given mode of influence calls to mind the nonswimming analyst who
        drowned while trying to cross a river that averaged three feet in depth.
           The view that the path of media influence is exclusively a filter-down
        process is disputed by a wealth of knowledge regarding modeling influ-
        ences. Human judgment, values, and conduct can be altered directly by
        televised modeling without having to wait for an influential intermediary
        to adopt what has been shown and then to serve as the diffuser to others.
        Watt and van den Berg (1978) tested several alternative theories about
        how media communications relate to public attitudes and behavior. The
        explanatory contenders included the conceptions that media influence
        people directly; media influence opinion leaders who then affect others;
        media have no independent effects; media set the public agenda for dis-
        cussions by designating what is important but do not otherwise influence
        the public; and finally, media simply reflect public attitudes and behavior
        rather than shape them. The direct-flow model from media to the public
        received the best empirical support. In this study, the behavior was highly
        publicized and could bring benefits without risks. When the activities
        being advocated require the investment of time and resources, and fail-
        ures can be costly, people are inclined to seek verification of functional
        value from other sources as well before they act.
           Chaffee (1982) reviews substantial evidence that calls into question the
        prevailing view that interpersonal sources of information are necessarily
        more persuasive than media sources. People seek information that may be
        potentially useful to them from different sources. Neither informative-
        ness, credibility, nor persuasiveness are uniquely tied to interpersonal
        sources or to media sources. How extensively different sources are used
        depends, in large part, on their accessibility and the likelihood that they
        will provide the kinds of information sought.
           Modeling affects the adoption of new social practices and behavior pat-
        terns in several ways. It instructs people about new ways of thinking and
        behaving by informative demonstration or description. Learning about
        new things does not rely on a fixed hierarchy of sources. Efficacious mod-
        eling not only cultivates competencies but also enhances the sense of per-
        sonal efficacy needed to transform knowledge and skills into successful
        courses of action (Bandura, 1997). The relative importance of interper-
        sonal and media sources of information in initiating the adoption process
        varies for different activities and for the same activity at different stages in
        the adoption process (Pelz, 1983). Models motivate as well as inform and
        enable. People are initially reluctant to adopt new practices that involve
        costs and risks until they see the advantages that have been gained by
        early adopters. Modeled benefits accelerate social diffusion by weakening
        the restraints of the more cautious potential adopters.  As acceptance
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