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184                                          PETTY, PRIESTER, BRIÑOL

        more effective in a negative than in a positive mood because thoughtful
        people overestimate the likelihood of the negative consequence (Wegener,
        Petty, & Klein, 1994). Research suggests that the effects of moods on per-
        ceived likelihoods are quite specific such that sad moods are especially
        effective in increasing the perceived likelihood of sad consequences and
        angering states are especially effective in increasing the perceived likeli-
        hood of angering consequences (DeSteno, Petty, Rucker, & Wegener,
        2000). Because of this, more specific types of matching of messages to
        emotional states could prove effective in situations in which people are
        being thoughtful (e.g., presenting sad arguments to sad people but anger-
        ing arguments to angry people).
           In addition to biasing thoughts, recent research has shown that mood
        states can also affect the confidence people have in their thoughts when the
        elaboration likelihood is high. Research in nonpersuasion contexts has
        shown that a positive mood can enhance confidence in general knowledge
        structures (such as schemata, scripts, and stereotypes), and that happy
        individuals rely on these knowledge structures more than neutral or nega-
        tive mood people (Bless, Clore, Schwarz, Golisano, Rabe, & Wolk, 1996;
        Krauth-Gruber & Ric, 2000). Similarly, in a series of studies, Briñol, Petty,
        and Barden (2001) found that high need for cognition individuals made to
        feel sad after message exposure came to have less confidence in the
        thoughts they generated during message exposure than people who were
        made to feel happy after message exposure. When the message was strong
        and elicited mostly favorable thoughts, causing doubt in these thoughts
        (via sad mood) led to reduced persuasion relative to causing confidence
        (via happy mood). But, when the message was weak and elicited mostly
        unfavorable thoughts, causing doubt in these thoughts led to more persua-
        sion relative to causing confidence. In contrast, individuals low in motiva-
        tion to elaborate (i.e., low need for cognition) simply showed more persua-
        sion with happy than sad moods, regardless of argument quality. These
        low thoughtful individuals used their current mood state as a peripheral
        cue and generalized from their current mood state to the message.
           Finally, it is important to note that the effects we have outlined for
        mood under different elaboration conditions assume that moods are not
        so salient that they are perceived as biasing. When moods are made
        salient and people perceive a possible biasing impact, they will often
        attempt to correct their judgments for the perceived contaminating
        impact of the emotional state (Schwarz & Clore, 1973). This can cause
        judgments to move in a direction opposite to people’s intuitive theories of
        bias (Wegener & Petty, 1997, 2001). Thus, if people think a positive mood
        has a favorable impact on their judgments and they overestimate this bias,
        the corrected judgment in a positive mood can be more negative than
        the corrected judgment in a negative mood (e.g., Berkowitz, Jaffee, Jo, &
        Troccoli, 2000; Ottati & Isbell, 1996).
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