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                  especially lend themselves to this : landscapes, for instance, become spaces into
                  which the viewer imaginatively enters. This is the antithesis of the Kantian
                  aesthetic. Art is reduced to ‘a mere extension of the psyche’. Maleuvre sees this
                  aesthetic stance as ‘anti-aesthetic by today’s standards’ (1999: 210–12). Never-
                  theless the contemporary focus on producing ‘experience’ through arranging
                  exhibitions as a set of psychological stimuli invites precisely this kind of solip-
                  sism. If the aim is to provoke feelings and associations in the visitor, a simulation
                  will do just as well as an object.
                    Though it treats the museum as a trigger for subjective experience, solipsistic
                  behaviour does not undermine the museum’s claim to universality. On the
                  contrary, the appeal to solipsism is associated with naturalism or realism
                  which, of all kinds of representation, most effectively effaces its own cultural
                  specificity as it erases the signs of its own production (Bal 1996: 13). However,
                  some acts of attention do threaten the museum by challenging its claim to
                  universality. These are the ones that reveal the culture of the museum to be
                  limited in its applicability – and which relocate it as the particular culture of a
                  dominant minority. The following section discusses repatriation claims on the
                  part of ‘indigenous peoples’ or ‘First Nations’. I consider how these challenge
                  the legitimacy of the museum, and how museums respond by attempting to
                  integrate these peoples’ cultural practices into the museum, or through renewed
                  appeals to universality.


                  The universal museum

                  First Nations have repeatedly demanded the repatriation of human remains
                  held in European museums. These demands challenge the museum’s socializa-
                  tion of its objects. While the scientists working with the collections use them as
                  research material, the communities arguing for their return view them as ances-
                  tral remains. For some scientists and museum professionals, the handing-over
                  of the remains from collections and their burial would mean an ‘irreparable’
                  loss in terms of scientific knowledge – knowledge that, they argue, might be
                  of use to the very communities which are demanding repatriation (Steel 2004:
                  22–5). The repatriation conflict, as it relates to both human remains and cul-
                  tural artefacts, is overdetermined by colonial relations: colonized peoples are
                  contesting and exposing the museums’ role in the continuation of colonial
                  violence and unequal relations into the present.
                    The blanket refusal of repatriation claims by some major museums can be
                  read as a reassertion of the cultural superiority of ex-colonial powers (Steel 2004:
                  22–5). The 2002 Declaration, signed by the directors of over 30 of the world’s
                  greatest museums, including the Hermitage in St Petersburg, the Metropolitan
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