Page 67 - On Not Speaking Chinese Living Between Asia and the West
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BEYOND ASIA: DECONSTRUCTING DIASPORA

          My parents’ dogged determination to assimilate their family into Dutch society
        after leaving Indonesia behind was, I believe, a reaction to their disappointment
        at their failure, as citizens of Chinese background, to assimilate into, and to be
        accepted as full members of post-war Indonesian society. In retrospect, I know
        that my own childhood dedication to the nation, my deep and heartfelt investment
        in national belonging and nationalist commitment, was doomed from the start:
        modern Indonesian nationalism has never managed to accommodate successfully
        the presence of the Chinese minority in its construction of an imagined
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        community. While the Indonesian nation was from its inception imagined as a
        multi-ethnic entity – something which was necessary to unify the hundreds of
        ethnic and linguistic groupings making up the country whose spatial boundaries
        were determined by the imposition of Dutch colonialism – the place of those
        marked as ‘Chinese’ in this ‘unity-in-diversity’ has always been resolutely ambiguous
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        and uncertain. In an attempt to control what came to be called ‘the Chinese
        problem’ in postcolonial Indonesia, the Suharto regime demanded that ethnic
        Chinese assimilate into mainstream Indonesian society through name-changing
        policies, bans on the public display of Chinese cultural expression such as the use
        of Chinese language and Chinese New Year celebrations, and so on. At the same
        time, those of Chinese descent were prevented from forgetting their categorical
        difference as the government continued to differentiate between indigenous
        and non-indigenous groups, for example, by using special identity cards for ethnic
        Chinese. Thus, if I had stayed, my Chineseness – itself, as I have explained in
        Chapter 1, a doubtful marker of identity – would have prevented me, politically and
        culturally, from ever being able to consider Indonesia ‘home’ in any comfortable,
        unproblematic sense (Tan 1997; Thung 1998).
          In this context, the recourse to Chinese identification among many Indonesians
        of Chinese descent, especially among those who no longer live in Indonesia, is
        more than understandable: it is a symbolic attempt to claim a vicarious ‘home’
        where a sense of belonging to Indonesia has been thwarted. But staking a claim
        to a belonging to the ‘Chinese diaspora’ poses its own problems, given that
        most Indonesian Chinese do not speak, read or write any Chinese, no longer
        have connections with China, the imputed ancestral motherland, and have very
        little active knowledge of Chinese cultural traditions, rituals and practices. In
        other words, from a ‘pure’ Chinese point of view, the standards of which are
        generally determined within the inner circle of Greater China, and Mainland China
        in particular, most Indonesian Chinese are just not Chinese enough, lacking in
        ‘authenticity’. Our residual Chineseness is always inevitably diluted, hybridized
        and creolized precisely because of our long-term history of living outside of China
        proper and of intermingling with a wide range of non-Chinese others. Thus, for
        those who call themselves ‘Chinese Indonesian’ or ‘Indonesian Chinese’: the
        interchangeable use of the two reveals the uncertainty and ambivalence many have
        in identifying themselves – the imaginary belonging to a vast and powerful ‘Chinese
        diaspora’ can never provide a satisfactory solution to the question of ‘home’.
        Imagining oneself to be a member of the Chinese diaspora aligns one with a


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