Page 167 - Privacy in a Cyber Age Policy and Practice
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BALANCING NATIONAL SECURITY AND INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS  155

           amnesia, carelessness, and bad luck.” 237  And Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) has
           been “careful to point out that he is concerned about the possible abuses
           of some future, Hitler-like president.” 238  In less alarmist fashion, Center
           for Constitutional Rights attorney Shayana Kadidal warns that if “judges,
           members of Congress and other elected officials [are not] exempted from
           NSA surveillance,” the “chilling effect” of the NSA’s access to confidential or
           embarrassing information on them would threaten to “corrupt the political
           process.” She points to the practices of J. Edgar Hoover during his time as
           director of the FBI as a cautionary example. 239  A few things might be said
           in response.
             First, all of the data that the government is collecting is already being
           archived (at least for short periods, as discussed earlier) by private corporations
           and other entities. It is not the case that PRISM or other such programs
           entail the collection of new data that was not previously available to the
           government through a subpoena.
             Second, if one is truly concerned that a tyrant might take over the
           United States, one obviously faces a much greater and all-encompassing
           threat than a diminution of privacy, and the response has to be similarly
           expansive. One can join civic bodies that seek to shore up democracies;
           or work with various reform movements and public education drives;
           or join groups that prepare to retreat to the mountains, store ammuni-
           tion and essential foods, and plan to fight the tyrannical forces. But it
           makes no sense to oppose limited measures to enhance security on these
           grounds.


                                    Conclusion

           Revelations about two surveillance programs—the one that collects the
           phone records of Americans, and the one that collects digital communica-
           tions by foreigners overseas—should be assessed by drawing on a liberal
           communitarian paradigm that seeks a balance between security and privacy
           (and other individual rights). Such an evaluation shows that we do face a
           significant terrorist threat, hence the continued need for enhanced security;
           that this threat cannot be mitigated by dealing with terrorists as criminals;
           and that the government reports that the programs are effective.
             At the same time, the means used to conduct surveillance of Americans
           are either not intrusive or only minimally intrusive. Records need be col-
           lected because otherwise they are not maintained or are not readily accessible.
           Computers that store these records do not, per se, violate privacy. Before
           any individual’s records can be searched, probable cause must be estab-
           lished. In short, the program seems to qualify on both constitutional and
           legal grounds. And the program that conducts surveillance of foreigners
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