Page 119 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
P. 119

104  .  Hemmed  In and Shut Out

       again. Rather, she returned there armored with the defiance a fifty-dollar
       bill afforded  her and toting a hefty measure of distrust along as well. This
       was an encounter she was bound to repeat nearly every time she returned
       downtown.
          Children's  experiences  in the  mall and  in stores  like Claire's, unlike
       those  in Bob's, are shaped  by tensions around  issues of race.  These  ten-
       sions,  in turn,  are conflated with  problems  related to  class. Situations
       and  interactions  in which kids like Asia are  made to  feel  inadequate or
       even nonexistent often  make shopping  an undertaking fraught  with dif-
       ficulty,  and  their  response  is to  don  their  street-tough  personas.  Such
       problematic interactions—where black shoppers  are  assumed to  be un-
       able to make purchases, where they are steered toward  inferior merchan-
       dise,  or  where they  are  treated  as if giving them  attention  is a waste of
       time—are an  important  kind  of received knowledge  in  Newhallville.
       Deacon  Rose, a member of Natalia's  family parish,  recounted  to me one
       of  these stories  from  his younger days when  he was  visiting the segre-
       gated  South.  Deacon  Rose was  living in Detroit  but  had  gone  down  to
       Mississippi to  visit  "this  woman  I was liking" and took  her  downtown
       to look at dresses. They passed a store that  had  some nice silk dresses in
       the window,  went  in, and  began to  look  at  them. The  saleswoman,  a
       white  lady, came over and  said,  "I think  maybe you'll  like these dresses
       better  over  here,"  and  showed  them  some  cheaper,  cotton  dresses.
       "They're probably more in your price," she said,  and Deacon Rose imi-
       tated  her  nasal  vowels, raising his voice into  a simpering falsetto.  He
       went  on:  "Well,  I said  to  her, 'I don't want  those cotton  dresses. I want
       one of these nice silk ones,' and  she said, 'I think you'll like the price of
       these  other  ones  better.' Now  she didn't  know  that  I have twelve hun-
       dred  dollars in my pocket!  I said,  'I like these  silk ones  and  I think  I'll
       take  a couple.'"  Deacon  Rose finished his tale by saying,  "I  bought  the
       dresses,  but I don't think she liked it very much."
         Deacon Rose's story has much in common with Asia's tale—the pivotal
       event is confrontation with a store clerk who assumes (rightly or wrongly)
       that the black customer has no money. For both Asia and Deacon  Rose,
       these encounters arouse a subsequent feeling  of dehumanization. In  both
       stories, this feeling  of dehumanization is countered  by an ability to bran-
       dish money in the salesclerk's face: Asia has a fifty-dollar bill, and Deacon
       Rose twelve hundred dollars. In both  cases, they were able to  assert not
       only did they have the money to  buy what they wanted,  but they had
       substantially more than that: they were demonstrably not poor, but they
       were, in fact, relatively loaded.  But, as Deacon  Rose emphasized at  the
   114   115   116   117   118   119   120   121   122   123   124