Page 179 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
P. 179

164  .  Ethnically Correct  Dolls

       black  hairstyle  on  a white  doll?  And  yet, if these dolls  belong to  these
       black girls, and  live in the worlds they inhabit, how  inflexibly  white are
       they? Remember Asia and  Natalia's  ruminations  on Barbie. Their  com-
       ments most urgently pointed  out that the main difference  between them
       and  the  doll could  be summarized with  a nod  to  race,  but  really rested
       on the way they lived, the way they spoke.  They wondered  why there
       was no fat Barbie, no abused Barbie, no pregnant Barbie, and these criti-
       cisms apply as much to  Shani as they do to  any white dolls. What these
       girls are  doing seems to  recognize in multiple ways  the  socially  con-
       structed  nature of race, the  ambiguity of a racialized existence,  and  the
       flexibility  of  racialized expression:  it  is not  always  or  only  the  color of
       their  dolls that  makes them hard  to relate to  or  identify  with.  Their  at-
       tention  focuses  both  on appearance  (hairstyle)  and  social  factors. More
       than the bald recognition  of racial  difference,  it is the  social factors that
       seem to  delineate the chasm for these girls between  a doll to whom they
       can relate and  in whom  they can  see themselves versus one who  repre-
       sents a whole world  to which they cannot  belong. Moreover, what  these
       girls are doing emphasizes that they do not need to buy racial  difference,
       or even to  buy dolls that  look  like them; they can create dolls that  look
       like them in fundamental ways through  their  own  imaginative and  ma-
       terial work.
          The  argument for  the  ethnically correct  doll is often  reduced to  the
       maxim  that  children play better  and  feel  better  about  themselves when
       they have dolls  and  toys that  look  like them.  This  assumption  limits it-
       self  quite overtly  to  visual indicators  of race  and  carefully  evades ques-
       tions  of social difference  and inequality that relate to  class, economy, or
       region.  For Newhallville kids, though, the equation  was not  quite so
       simple.  They  did  not  seem to  accept  wholesale  the  notion  that  they
       could  not  relate  to  dolls  that  were  apparently  a  different  race  from
       themselves  on that  basis alone.  Moreover,  their  interactions  with  these
       dolls do not  seem to  indicate that in giving attention—or  even love—to
       white  dolls  that they  are rejecting  their own  blackness as worthy  of re-
       spect, attention,  or  love. Quite the contrary,  in fact. These girls seem to
       be working in very complex  and subtle ways to transform whiteness, to
       bring  their  white  dolls  into  the existence  they know  and  understand.
       They are not  in these instances working to enter some fantasy world in-
       habited by Barbie and  all her bourgeois accouterments, represented best
       of  all, perhaps,  by Barbie's dream  house.  These  efforts  bend notions  of
       race without  threatening to break them, but in this very bending demon-
       strate that the fixed ideas about racial difference  that permeate ethnically
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