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168  .  Ethnically Correct  Dolls

          With  the Brown decision,  the notion  that  separate  and  equal were
       compatible notions  under the constitution  was soundly rejected; the de-
       cision was  one  of the major turning points  in the  civil rights movement
       and  held  great  promise,  or  so  it  seemed.  Today,  the  doors  that  the
       Brown  decision promised  to  open  seem to  be rusting  on  their  hinges,
       and  despite  the  illegality of government-supported  segregation,  public
       school  systems across the nation  have been largely unsuccessful at  inte-
       gration.  In  1992  a  suit  was  filed  against  the  Hartford,  Connecticut,
       schools  arguing that  the  state  had  allowed  a  de facto  segregation of
       school populations to arise, and that this could not be tolerated under the
       Brown decision.  In the  Connecticut  governor's  State of the  State speech
       early  in  1993,  Lowell  Weicker  announced  statewide  restructuring of
       school  bureaucracy, hoping to  head off a court  takeover  of  Connecticut
       schools.  His  speech  all but  acknowledged  that the de facto segregation
       did indeed  exist:
          Eighty percent of the  state's minority students live in  18 urban school
          districts. Hartford public schools have a 92 percent minority popula-
          tion. Bridgeport is 86 percent, New Haven's 82. At the other extreme,
          136  of  166 school districts have minority-student populations of less
          than  10 percent; 98 have minority populations of less than 5 percent.
          ("Segregation  of  Public  Schools Threatens  Connecticut's Future"
          1993)
       Despite Weicker's efforts,  the  schools  were unable to  accomplish deseg-
       regation:  in  1996  the state court ordered  the Hartford  schools  to  allevi-
       ate the situation.  While perhaps a telling example, Connecticut  is hardly
       alone  in its struggles with  segregation.  For  many, the  vision  of an  inte-
       grated  society now  often  seems like a sugarcoated  dream,  and  even the
       NAACP is showing  some strain,  being pressured by significant portions
       of  its membership to  back  off its integrationist  stance  to  support  new
       versions of the separate but equal scheme. The language of social change
       has changed along with the strategies for accomplishing it. If integration
       and  desegregation  were the  call to  arms  of the  civil rights movement,
       self-esteem  claims equal  prominence  in contemporary  discussions of
       racial problems and their  solutions.
         The  commodification  of race  and  the  racialization  of  commodities
       have come hand-in-hand with a turning away from  the emphases of civil
       rights-oriented  movements. Ethnically correct  dolls neatly transform the
       Clarks'  program  of social transformation  into a commodity aimed at in-
       fluencing individuals. Thus,  psychologists  (Hopson  and  Hopson  1991)
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