Page 34 - Purchasing Power Black Kids and American Consumer Culture
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Consumption in Context  .  19

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       during this time that I met Tionna, Natalia,  and Asia,  around  whom
       much  of this  ethnography  centers,  and  over the  course  of the  summer I
       spent hours and hours following them through a variety of activities: ex-
       ploring  downtown,  walking through  the neighborhood, going to  local
       stores, just hanging  out  in their  houses  or  on  their  stoops. In the  fall  I
       spent time in the classroom,  sometimes helping children with their read-
       ing or math, other times simply observing. I went on field trips,  attended
       afterschool  rehearsals,  school  fairs,  class parties.  On  one hellish day I
       actually served as the substitute teacher. While it didn't help me manage
       the chaos  at the time, the degree to which the kids refused  to  accept me
       in  the  authoritative role  of classroom  teacher  was  comforting  later. If
       this group of children is described as a  "sample"  they do not  constitute
       a  random  group;  nevertheless, the children and  their  families  were rep-
       resentative of that  neighborhood,  which was  both  economically diverse
       and  complex  (see appendix  A). Households  ranged  in size from  the  two
       people in Terry's  home to  the  six people  in Ricky's and  Tarelle's  homes.
       Households  were headed by single mothers  (11), mother  and  father (4),
       married  grandparents  (3), aunts  (2), a  single grandmother  (1), and  a
       great-grandmother  (1). Nine of the  families  lived in homes they  owned;
       six families  used a Section  8 voucher to pay their rent,  but  among these
       two were renting apartments in homes owned  by another  resident  fami-
       ly member. 11  Six of the  households had  no  car  of their  own.  Several of
       the grandparents and  great-grandparents were retired  from  jobs as fire-
       fighters, cafeteria  workers, and janitors. Stephen's parents earned a com-
       bined  income they estimated  at  $90,000  a year, and  this family  was far
       and  away the most financially well off of those I knew; families  on  state
       and  federal aid  (fully  half of those  discussed here) rarely had  much extra
       money at all. The others worked  in jobs as diverse as seamstress, build-
       ing maintenance, group  home  supervisor, home health  aide,  mechanic.
       Life  was  not  necessarily much easier  for these working  folk  than  it was
       for  those  on  aid: Natalia's grandfather  told  me that  his pension  and his
       wife's work  as a domestic worker provided them and  their  two resident
       grandchildren an income of $18,000 yearly.
         As families  grew more familiar  with  me I was able to  attend  celebra-
       tions, accompany  mothers  on grocery shopping  trips, conduct  a small
       number  of inventories of children's rooms,  and  go on  special outings—
       shopping trips in Jamaica, Queens, or trips to amusement parks. Children
       were included in some  of these activities,  but  not  all.  Getting  a wider
       sense of the  full  consumer  engagement of families  and  households  was
       important  for situating the knowledge and  experience of the children I
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