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The Shadow of Whiteness  .  45

       social inequality evident in slums of cities like New  York, San Juan,  and
       Mexico  City could  only emerge under capitalism, a point that generally
       has  been glossed  over  in the years since his ideas were  originally pub-
       lished. Instead,  another  of  his theoretical  claims, that  the  culture of
       poverty tends to perpetuate  itself, captured  the public imagination. Sub-
       sequent debates within  anthropology  have been heated,  and  Lewis has
       often  been  faulted  for  not  more  strongly  correcting  mistaken claims
       about what  his culture of poverty concept  implied (see essays in Leacock
       1971). Nevertheless,  these  debates have remained primarily within the
       academy and have done little to counter the popular understanding of the
       term,  which  has come to  be synonymous with chronic  poverty, apathy,
       and a generally low-aspiration  mindset.
          The  second  key event was  the  publication  of Senator  Daniel Patrick
       Moynihan's  The  Negro  Family:  The  Case for  National  Action  (1965),
       which,  although  intended  as a rousing  call to  action  for  liberal govern-
       ment  and  policymakers, ultimately proved  to  be quite the  opposite.  In
       arguing that  black  families  were typified  by a  "tangle  of pathology"  (in
       particular, "matriarchy"  and single mothers) Moynihan's  report  laid the
       groundwork  for  claims that poverty was  the  outcome  of  pathological
       family  forms.  Aside from  the  questionable validity of Moynihan's  ver-
       sion  of cause and  effect,  his characterization  of certain  family  forms  as
       pathological  was deeply problematic.  It has  been pointed  out that the
       furor  that  emerged  after  Moynihan's  report  was  released  prompted
       many social  scientists  to shy away from  research among  the urban poor
       and especially the "underclass"  (Katz  1993,  3-23;  Wacquant and Wilson
       1989).  The result was that few scholars had  the  studies or  data  in hand
       to  refute  a  1977 article in  Time  magazine that  described  the underclass
       as  "a  large group  of people  who  are  more  intractable,  more socially
       alien  and  more hostile than  almost  anyone had  imagined. They are the
       unreachables" (quoted in Katz  1993,  4). As Asia said,  "The  Streets [dra-
       matic pause]  of Newhallville ..."
         Like Katz, William Julius Wilson  argues that in the aftermath of the
       Moynihan  report  social  scientists  either  shied away  from  examinations
       of urban poverty or would  only undertake such examination  by empha-
       sizing the  positive  and  adaptive  aspects  of social  practices  and  patterns
       that  from  the  outside  appeared  deviant  or  perverse  (Wilson  1987). The
       most  well known  of these studies, perhaps,  is Carol  Stack's  All  Our  Kin
       (1974), an  ethnography  of poor  black  families  in Michigan.  Like other
       ethnographies  of poor  urban populations  (most of them  centered  on
       African  Americans), Stack's  work  was  an important  corrective  to  the
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