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Notes  307

             89 For a critique of McLuhan and Ong in this regard, see Underwood (2002),
                pp. 209–14.
             90 For a complete discussion with reference to media studies, see Hoover and
                Venturelli (1996).
             91 Rothenbuhler (1998); Couldry (2003). While there is good reason to be clear
                about the distinction between ritual practices that are primarily social or prac-
                tical in orientation, and those that are more self-evidently “religious,” the
                boundary between the two realms is not nearly so clear. For a critique of the
                media studies literature’s invocation of the concept of ritual, see Grimes
                (2001).
             92 Fiske (1987), p. 22.
             93 Dayan and Katz (1992).
             94 Couldry (2003).
             95 Thomas (2005). For a more complete account of his perspective, see Thomas
                (1998).
             96 Albanese (1998).
             97 Warner (1993).
             98 Warner (1993).
             99 Warner (1993).
            100 Roof (1999), pp. 126–7.
            101 Paul Heelas and Linda Woodhead described religiosity in Britain in similar
                terms. Heelas and Woodhead (2000).
            102 Warner (1993), p. 1,078.
            103 Roof (1999), p. 132.
            104 Roof (1999), p. 137
            105 Hoover (2003). Among these “modes,” the visual mode has received a great
                deal of recent attention among art historians interested in reception and mate-
                rial culture. These new perspectives stress that, in spite of what has seemed to
                be an official derogation of popular visual imagery among Protestant authori-
                ties (in particular), nineteenth- and twentieth-century Protestant cultures in
                fact produced a profusion of visual materials (Morgan 1999). The seeming
                contradiction between the perspectives of theological authority on the one
                hand, and a prodigious production of popular imagery on the other, is partly
                addressed by Sally Promey’s analysis presented in this chapter.
            106 Roof (1999), p. 144.
            107 For a discussion of these criticisms in relation to youth culture, and a particu-
                larly interesting example in an analysis of the trend toward teen-oriented films
                and television with satanic or Wiccan themes, see Clark (2003). With regard
                to the effects of media on audiences in general, see Medved (1992) and
                Meyers (1989).
            108 Rosenthal (2001).
            109 Promey (1996). For a nuanced discussion of critical theory and its relation to
                visual objects in general, see Koch (2001).
            110 Promey (1996), pp. 156–60.
            111 Bellah (1986).
            112 Warner (1993), p. 1,076.
            113 Roof (1999).
            114 Hendershot (2004), pp. 5–7. An interesting anecdote is the report from 1999
                that an Evangelical group called “Daystar” was planning a webcam trained
                on Jerusalem’s eastern gate so as to capture Christ’s Second Coming were it to
                occur in conjunction with the new millennium (Silverman 1999).
            115 Morgan (1999).
            116 Stark and Bainbridge (1985).
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