Page 244 - Religion, Media, and the Public Sphere
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which have since been recycled endlessly, particularly during Ramadan. He
            gives close to one hundred scheduled talks annually in settings ranging from
            ¤ve-star hotels in Istanbul to provincial towns and cities in various parts of the
            country. He is available on the Web to answer questions (paid) from the public
            seeking advice on a variety of issues. His most recent book, based on the most
            frequently asked questions on the Internet, entitled I Am Answering, is cur-
            rently on sale in supermarkets and R&D chains, along with other popular best-
            sellers of the moment. And his personal life, ranging from his “hip” dress style
            (polo-shirts, suits with ties or foulards) and his daily workouts, to his “modern”
            home-style and “uncovered” wife, has become an endless source of fascination
            in the magazine press.


                  The Superstar of White Islam?
                  Perhaps the simplest way of thinking about the phenomenon of Yasar
            Nuri Öztürk is how he embodies (literally and metaphorically) the blended cul-
            ture of global consumerism. His public image is very much in tune with the
            spirit of the times—Muslim but with a difference: Muslim Lite. Ever since mass
            tourism took off in the mid-1980s Turkey has been marketing itself with a
            montage of images intended to convey its spirit—whirling dervishes, sizzling
            kebabs, sandy beaches, belly dancers, graceful minarets, and diners drinking red
            wine. This cultural pastiche, constituted through the optics of the global tour-
            ist industry, has been embraced as “multiculturalism” by the af®uent and well-
            to-do classes of the neoliberal era, now associated with a mythical “Ottoman”
            past. Thus among the more striking features of Turkey’s entry into the global
            culture of consumerism has been the circulation of “Ottoman cultural heritage”
            in a variety of commodi¤ed forms. So it is possible to interpret the phenomenon
            of Yasar Nuri Öztürk as part of the same process—the rediscovery of Turkey’s
            Muslim identity through the optics of global consumerism. When viewed from
            the bird’s-eye vantage point of global consumerism, Yasar Nuri Öztürk encap-
            sulates the summation of incompatibles—hybridities—which is the essence of
            what might be thought of as a “global culture.”
              Still, Yasar Nuri Öztürk is, ¤rst and foremost, a political ¤gure—an active
            combatant in the battleground of cultural politics in Turkey. His fame and
            popularity on television cannot be divorced from the deepening cleavages of the
            neoliberal era, which became increasingly apparent from the mid-1990s on. The
            year 1994 was an important watershed, because a series of landslide victories in
            local elections (including in Istanbul) revealed the growing success of political
            Islam in developing a popular moral discourse of opposition—based on justice,
            honesty, and abstemiousness—while simultaneously incorporating the language
            of “human rights” and “civil society” from neoliberal discourses of the moment.
            Thus, in the political conjuncture of the late 1990s, the “classical” divisions of
            Turkish politics between the “progressive” left (secularist) and the “conserva-
            tive” right (religious) were recon¤gured. Political Islam succeeded in de¤ning
            itself as the voice of “civil” society, the major force of (progressive) opposition

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