Page 128 - Sport Culture and the Media
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MONEY, MYTH AND THE BIG MATCH ||  109


                         League in 2003, for example, the Russian oil billioniaire Roman Abramovich
                         has bought and paid millions of pounds into the ailing Chelsea – or ‘Chelski’ as
                         the tabloids now describe the club. But whatever the economic trials and tribu-
                         lations of media sport, its public visibility is undiminished and, if anything,
                         enhanced. This is because although ‘live’ TV sport is the bedrock of the econ-
                         omy of sport, it is gossip and scandal that keep it in perpetual view both in and
                         outside the formal framework of the sports media.



                         Sport as school for scandal

                         It is worthwhile to look briefly at media sports scandals because they reveal
                         how the political economy of media sport extends far beyond the production,
                         distribution and consumption of sports reports and live television. We have
                         noted how sport has notable popular appeal for large (especially male) sections
                         of the population, and that media sports texts take many forms, from ‘hard’
                         objective reporting to the  ‘soft’ news of gossip, background and  ‘colour’
                         (Andrews and Jackson 2001; Whannel 2001a). However, sport’s cultural promi-
                         nence and the visibility of its celebrities make it a useful vehicle for carrying
                         news stories ‘outside’ itself and its routine audiences. Some of these stories are
                         positive in nature, drawing, for example, after success in major international
                         competitions like the Olympics, on the nationalist impulse that can be activated
                         in many citizens, irrespective of their usual involvement in sports spectatorship
                         (Miller  et al. 2001). But scandals are particularly instructive because their
                         inherently transgressive quality raises the possibility of ‘contagion’ or, as John
                         B. Thompson (1997: 59) puts it,  ‘a corrosive impact on the forms of trust
                         which underpin social relations and institutions’. As we have seen, sport for its
                         adherents is the bearer of strong mythologies of nobility and fair competition,
                         while even those who are not sports fans are of necessity aware of the material
                         success and high standing of sports stars. Media sports scandals like those
                         involving, for example, Ben Johnson’s disqualification after winning the 100
                         metres at the 1988 Seoul Olympics for taking performance-enhancing drugs, or
                         the trial of iceskater Tonya Harding for conspiring to injure her US teammate
                         and rival Nancy Kerrigan, or Mike Tyson snacking on the ear of an opponent,
                         directly transgress the ‘fair play’ values of sport. In other words, the contra-
                         dictory mythological structure at the heart of sport – ennobling physical con-
                         test and benevolent universal values versus  ‘base’ competition and cynical
                         exploitation  – is ripe for the periodic production of scandals that explode
                         through the media sports cultural complex with firestorm intensity. These may
                         be exhausted or dowsed, but the embers of sports scandal glow perpetually,
                         with the media providing the perfect accelerant.
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