Page 45 - Sport Culture and the Media
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26   || SPORT, CULTURE AND THE MEDIA


                         knowledge’ were as much driven by desires for capital accumulation as by
                         appeals for freedom of thought and expression – the removal of many political
                         impediments to newspaper production allowed the economic power of  ‘new
                         money’ entrepreneurs (especially press barons like Lord Northcliffe and, a
                         little later, Lords Beaverbrook and Rothermere) to assert itself. Thus, cheaper,
                         widely distributed papers, made attractive to advertisers by toning down
                         political rhetoric and to readers by sensational copy, edged out the radical,
                         ‘disreputable’ press (Curran 1981b) and created and then serviced a different
                         market to that of ‘highbrow’ newspapers.
                           The new technological capabilities of the media meant that the content of
                         the popular  ‘penny dreadful’ scandal sheets that were sold on the streets
                         could be readily disseminated in a manner that reflected the economic power
                         generated simply by the exposure of large numbers of people to imprecations to
                         buy products and services. The emerging ‘yellow press’ (associated in the USA
                         with Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst) was not much admired by
                         the guardians of nineteenth-century media morality but, just as occurs in the
                         contemporary world, the immediate riposte was that demonstrable public
                         demand for ‘bad’ journalism had to be satisfied, and that no group of privileged
                         individuals had the right to dictate what the ‘masses’ wanted to read and see.
                         Disputes over media morality and ethics, and especially their political and
                         economic power, are no less apparent long after the daily newspaper first made
                         its mark. Indeed, as Schultz argues, they may have been exacerbated in the
                         current ‘information age’:
                           As the engines of global economic growth switch from industrial to infor-
                           mation production, the rhetoric which, for two centuries, has legitimised
                           the media as more than just another business needs to be re-examined.
                           More than any other industry the media have been characterised by ‘deeply
                           ethical’ debates about role and responsibility – profit was never the sole
                           criteria [sic] on which the media were judged. But as the profits generated
                           by the media continue to grow the tensions between serving the public and
                           making money are also likely to escalate.
                                                                          (Schultz 1994: 61)
                         This idea that the media are  ‘not just another business’ sits particularly
                         uncomfortably with developments in the late twentieth and early twenty-first
                         centuries that have seen the media’s principal currency  – information and
                         images – become also the prime unit of exchange, and the role of the media far
                         exceeds that of the idealized vocation of nineteenth-century quality journalism.
                         Indeed, the development of new media technologies such as the Internet have
                         not to date had the predicted impact of democratizing communication and
                         reducing media concentration, leading instead to converged media interests and
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