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56   || SPORT, CULTURE AND THE MEDIA


                         as Urry (1990: 45) has noted in the social-class inflected split between forms of
                         tourism typified by the ‘collective’ and the ‘romantic’ gaze. Organized sport,
                         like other cultural forms, also moves in and out of fashion. For example, in the
                         1960s it was seen by many in the counter-culture as a popularly digestible form
                         of militarism, but in the following decade supporting a sports team became a
                         way for middle-class male intellectuals to demonstrate that they really were
                         ‘men of the people’ (Rowe 1995). In contemporary Britain, soccer’s remarkable
                         recent wave of popularity has washed over groups in very different positions in
                         the social hierarchy of ‘Cool Britannia’ (Miller et al. 2001). The consummate
                         image-projecting politician of the post-Thatcher era, Prime Minister Tony
                         Blair, has made much of a personal love for football that is of disputed intensity
                         and longevity. This strategic deployment of ‘football fever’ is well captured on
                         the cover of a recent sociology of sport book, which bears a well-known image
                         of Blair practising his soccer and populist political skills with a former (and
                         predictably unsuccessful) England manager (Sugden and Tomlinson 2002).
                         Journalists from outside the sports round have neither been immune to this
                         epidemic of sports fandom nor have they been blind to its possibilities for
                         professional advancement, while proprietors, managers, programmers and
                         editors have, in many cases somewhat belatedly, realized the commercial value
                         of sport and have provided more capital and human resources for it.
                           What do these long-term trends and recent changes mean for the profile of
                         the sports journalist? As I mentioned above (and not unlike the position
                         of tabloid journalists in general), sports journalists are reasonably socially
                         advantaged professionals whose ‘patch’ is a form of popular pleasure with a
                         lowly reputation in some quarters. If the development of their professional
                         discipline has been stunted by a somewhat comfortable, socially homogeneous
                         male culture of giving ‘the facts’ and mixing with the players, it is, because of
                         its expanding audiences, commercial clout and cultural profile, also currently
                         in a state of flux. To improve our understanding of the making of the media
                         sports text, it is helpful to examine more deeply, as Schudson (1991: 141) noted
                         above, how in the specialism of sport the  ‘flesh-and-blood journalists [who]
                         literally compose the stories we call news’ negotiate the various and conflicting
                         demands that are made on them.


                         Talking to the sports talkers

                         In the excerpts from interviews with sports journalists presented earlier in this
                         chapter it was apparent that, in going about their everyday duties, they are
                         subject both to the occupational problems that beset all types of journalists
                         (such as their relationships with sources) and others that, while not altogether
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